{"id":69848,"date":"2021-07-17T04:18:19","date_gmt":"2021-07-17T09:18:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/?p=69848"},"modified":"2021-07-17T07:25:40","modified_gmt":"2021-07-17T12:25:40","slug":"69848","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/?p=69848","title":{"rendered":""},"content":{"rendered":"<p>This is how lawyers make their living, arguing over &#8216;fine points&#8217; of language when it&#8217;s simpler, and easier to understand that the Bill Of Rights is a list of things the goobermint is<em>\u00a0to keep its hand off of<\/em>, as opposed to how far it could pretzel the language to restrict the freedoms and liberties of the American people.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/firearmslaw.duke.edu\/2021\/07\/legal-corpus-linguistics-and-the-meaning-of-bear-arms\/\">Legal Corpus Linguistics and the Meaning of \u201cBear Arms\u201d<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Over the past decade, research into the ordinary meaning of constitutional terms has been supplemented by\u00a0<em>corpus linguistics<\/em>. There is obvious value in examining large databases of historical texts to determine how a particular group of people used a particular word or phrase at a particular time.<\/p>\n<p>The text of the Second Amendment protects the right to \u201cbear Arms.\u201d The majority and dissenting justices in\u00a0<em>District of Columbia v. Heller\u00a0<\/em>disagreed over how the phrase \u201cbear Arms\u201d was understood in 1791. Justice Scalia, writing for the majority, read the phrase broadly to include protection for the carrying of firearms apart from military service (what Justice Scalia called its \u201cnatural\u201d meaning). Justice Stevens, writing for the dissenting justices, read the phrase narrowly to protect only the carrying of firearms in connection with military service (what the majority and dissent called its \u201cidiomatic\u201d meaning). Both the Scalia and Stevens opinions relied on multiple original sources to support their conclusions, but, at the time, those sources were limited in number.<\/p>\n<p>Since\u00a0<em>Heller,\u00a0<\/em>the creation of two databases\u2014the Corpus of Founding Era American Usage (COFEA) and the Corpus of Early Modern English (COEME)\u2014has enabled researchers such as\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/repository.uchastings.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=2086&amp;context=hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly\">Dennis Baron<\/a>,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/papers.ssrn.com\/sol3\/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3481474\">Neal Goldfarb<\/a>,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/blog.harvardlawreview.org\/corpus-linguistics-and-the-second-amendment\/\">Josh Blackman<\/a>,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/ideas\/archive\/2020\/02\/big-data-second-amendment\/607186\/\">James Phillips<\/a>, and\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/digitalcommons.law.byu.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=1579&amp;context=jpl\">Josh Jones<\/a>\u00a0to analyze how the phrase \u201cbear arms\u201d was understood during the founding era (1760-99).<\/p>\n<p><!--more--><\/p>\n<p>These researchers generally agree that \u201cbear arms\u201d was used\u00a0<em>mostly<\/em>\u00a0in its idiomatic or military sense during this period, but not solely or exclusively so. Baron concluded that the natural use of the phrase was \u201calmost always\u201d in a military sense, while Goldfarb found that nearly 95 percent of all uses of \u201cbear arms\u201d conveyed the idiomatic sense relating serving in the military. Blackman and Philips, examining a smaller sample, found that the \u201coverwhelming majority\u201d of uses of were in the military context. Josh Jones, using somewhat different search and coding parameters, found that the figurative or specialized military sense of \u201cbear arms\u201d was used in 66 percent of relevant uses, the literal carrying sense in 21 percent, including both military and civilian contexts, and the remaining 13 percent were too ambiguous to place in either category.<\/p>\n<p><em>Heller\u00a0<\/em>rejected the view that \u201cbear Arms\u201d in the Second Amendment exclusively means to carry arms while serving in a state-organized militia. Has\u00a0<em>Heller\u2019s\u00a0<\/em>conclusion been undermined by legal corpus linguistics (LCL)? There are several points to consider in answering this question.<\/p>\n<p>First, there is no question that \u201cbear arms\u201d was used during the founding period to describe carrying weapons in individual and civilian contexts, outside of service in an organized militia or other military unit. Here are several examples:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/quod.lib.umich.edu\/e\/evans\/N09284.0001.001?view=toc\">William Robertson\u2019s<\/a>\u00a01770 history of the reign of Charles the Fifth, emperor of Germany, which was published in America, refers to \u201cwomen, orphans, and ecclesiastics, who could not bear arms in their own defence.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>Timothy Cunningham\u2019s 1771 popular English legal dictionary of the period, which was found in Jefferson\u2019s library, gives this example of the usage of \u201carms\u201d: \u201cServants and labourers shall use bows and arrows on\u00a0<em>Sundays,\u00a0<\/em>&amp; c. and not bear other arms.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>James Madison proposed an anti-poaching Bill for Preservation of Deer to the Virginia legislature in 1785, which had been written by Thomas Jefferson in 1779. Anyone convicted of killing deer out of season faced further punishment if, in the following year, he \u201cshall bear a gun out of his inclosed ground, unless whilst performing military duty. The illegal gun carrier would have to return to court for \u201cevery such bearing of a gun\u201d to post additional good-behavior bond.<\/li>\n<li>The 1795 epic poem\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/name.umdl.umich.edu\/N22447.0001.001\"><em>M\u2019Fingal<\/em><\/a>\u00a0by lawyer John Trumbull reads: \u201cA soldier, according to his directions, sold an old rusty musket to a countryman for three dollars, who brought vegetables to market. This could be no crime in the market-man, who had an undoubted right to purchase, and bear arms.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>Charles Brockden Brown\u2019s 1799 novel,\u00a0<em>Edgar Huntly: or, Memoirs of a Sleepwalker,\u00a0<\/em>states, \u201cI fervently hoped that no new exigence would occur, compelling me to use the arms that I bore in my own defence.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>John Leacock, well-known Philadelphia businessman, patriot, and playwright, wrote the following line for the character Paramount in the patriotic drama,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/quod.lib.umich.edu\/e\/evans\/N11731.0001.001?view=toc\"><em>The Fall of British Tyranny: or, American Liberty Triumphant<\/em><\/a><em>,\u00a0<\/em>which was printed in Philadelphia, Boston, and Providence: \u201cI shall grant the Roman Catholics, who are by far the most numerous, the free exercise of their religion, with the liberty of bearing arms, so long unjustly deprived of, and disarm in due time all of the Protestants in their turn.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Given these and other examples of \u201cbear arms\u201d being used outside the military or militia context, the LCL debate over the meaning of \u201cbear arms\u201d turns largely upon the clashing arguments that set frequency against context found in Kevin Tobia\u2019s excellent chart in the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/firearmslaw.duke.edu\/2021\/07\/dueling-dictionaries-and-clashing-corpora\/\">opening blog post<\/a>\u00a0in this series.<\/p>\n<p>Second, some LCL researchers have\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.supremecourt.gov\/DocketPDF\/20\/20-843\/168979\/20210301161802456_20-843%20amicus%20brief%20of%20Neal%20Goldfarb%20corrected.pdf\">overclaimed<\/a>\u00a0that because \u201cbear arms\u201d was used\u00a0<em>most often<\/em>\u00a0in a military or militia sense, this\u00a0<em>is<\/em>\u00a0its meaning in the Second Amendment, and therefore\u00a0<em>Heller\u00a0<\/em>was wrongly decided. It is not surprising that \u201cbear arms\u201d was used mostly in a military context during the founding period, given the Revolutionary War and subsequent debates about a standing army and state militias. But it does not necessarily follow that the Second Amendment uses this narrow idiomatic or specialized sense, rather than a more general sense of carrying arms in either civilian or military contexts.<\/p>\n<p>The use of frequency data in LCL is more complex than those who suggest it is determinative in\u00a0<em>Heller.\u00a0<\/em>It can show us the range of possible candidates for the ordinary meaning of the term, and perhaps even suggest a presumptive meaning if one sense is overwhelmingly predominant, but frequency data by itself is not conclusive. Frequency data must be supplemented by relevant legal\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/lsolum.typepad.com\/legal_theory_lexicon\/2017\/10\/index.html\">context<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Third, the most relevant legal context for the ordinary meaning of \u201cbear arms\u201d in the Second Amendment is found in several contemporary state constitutions, as well as a proposed amendment to the federal Constitution from Pennsylvania. These founding-era sources used the phrase \u201cbear arms\u201d to describe the right to carry weapons for non-military purposes. They are especially significant because they occur in the context of defining the scope of constitutional rights to arms.<\/p>\n<p>The Anti-Federalist minority report from the Pennsylvania constitutional ratifying convention in 1788 proposed an amendment to the Constitution protecting the people\u2019s \u201cright to bear arms for the defence of themselves and their own state or the United States, or for the purpose of killing game.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Three state constitutions (Pennsylvania, Vermont, Kentucky) written during the founding period protected the people\u2019s right to \u201cbear arms in defense of themselves and the state.\u201d Additionally, there were multiple complaints from citizens in Massachusetts that their state\u2019s constitutional right to arms was too narrow because \u201cthe people have a right to keep and bear arms as well for their own as the common defense.\u201d Six additional state constitutions written prior to 1820 (Ohio, Indiana, Mississippi, Connecticut, Alabama, Missouri) contained protections for the right of the people to \u201cbear arms in defense of themselves and the state\u201d or the right of every citizen to \u201cbear arms in defense of himself and the state.\u201d Both the proposed amendment proffered by the Pennsylvania Anti-Federalists as well as multiple state constitutional protections extended the right to \u201cbear arms\u201d to both civilian self-defense as well as to service in the militia.<\/p>\n<p>Congress obviously was aware that the Pennsylvania Anti-Federalists and early state constitutions used \u201cbear arms\u201d in a sense that did not refer exclusively to service in a state militia. But did their omission of a modifying phrase signal to ordinary readers that the term \u201cbear arms\u201d had a narrower military meaning? That\u2019s what Justice Stevens and the\u00a0<em>Heller\u00a0<\/em>dissenters believed. In his\u00a0<em>Heller\u00a0<\/em>dissent, Justice Stevens points out that<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>[h]ad the Framers wished to expand the meaning of the phrase \u201cbear arms\u201d to encompass civilian possession and use, they could have done so by the addition of phrases such as \u201cfor the defense of themselves,\u201d as was done in the Pennsylvania and Vermont Declarations of Rights. The\u00a0<em>unmodified<\/em>\u00a0use of \u201cbear arms,\u201d by contrast, refers most naturally to a military purpose, as evidenced by its use in literally dozens of contemporary texts.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>But this fails to account for how ordinary readers would understand the meaning of \u201cbear arms\u201d given Congress\u2019 deliberate decision\u00a0<em>not\u00a0<\/em>to modify the phrase. The fact that you\u00a0<em>don\u2019t\u00a0<\/em>modify something also can indicate what it means. Congress rejected a proposal to add the narrowing modifier \u201cfor the common defence\u201d after \u201cthe right of the people to keep and bear arms.\u201d Since two early state constitutions protected the right to bear arms only \u201cfor the common defence\u201d (Massachusetts) or \u201cfor the defence of the state\u201d (North Carolina), the decision not to limit the scope of the right to an exclusive military or militia context supports the\u00a0<em>Heller\u00a0<\/em>majority\u2019s broader reading of \u201cbear arms.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Fourth, while LCL provides one among many useful tools for determining the meaning of words or phrases as used by original speakers, it has various methodological limitations. One limitation is that legal researchers must formulate search parameters and make coding decisions that inevitably are influenced by the researcher\u2019s own judgment, intuition, and biases.<\/p>\n<p>For example, Neal Goldfarb concluded that at least 95 percent of all uses of \u201cbear arms\u201d between 1760 and 1799 conveyed the idiomatic sense relating serving in the military. But Goldfarb excluded from his analysis all uses of \u201cbear arms\u201d when the phrase appeared in the text of a proposed or ratified constitutional provision at the federal or state level protecting that right, because he believed these uses irrelevant to his analysis. When another researcher, Josh Jones, included and coded these and other uses omitted by Goldfarb, he found that \u201cwhile the specialized sense of\u00a0<em>bear arms<\/em>\u00a0(i.e., serving in the military or engaging in collective armed conflict) appears to have been used significantly more often than the carrying sense of\u00a0<em>bear arms,\u00a0<\/em>the latter still appears to have been used more often than past research may have suggested.\u201d Jones\u2019s own research reveals that \u201cover one-fifth of recorded uses of\u00a0<em>bear arms\u00a0<\/em>in COFEA employed the phrase in the carrying sense. While the literal carrying sense should still be recognized as the minority sense, it is not an all-but-nonexistent sense like Goldfarb and others suggest.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>This and other limitations with LCL methodology in the Second Amendment context suggest that other tools should not be abandoned. As Jones points out,<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>[b]ecause the carrying sense of bear arms was still common at the time of the Founding (and . . . it may have been even more common than this Note\u2019s principal findings suggest), the Court may need to continue to rely on other textual and historical tools (such as the grammar cannon, states\u2019 Second Amendment equivalents, early American firearm regulations and practices, the Second Amendment\u2019s connection to the English Bill of Rights, etc.) to determine the original understanding and current legal scope of the Second Amendment. Corpus linguistics data are most reliable when they are harmonized with other tools of interpretation.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Corpus linguistics is a wonderful tool for constitutional interpreters, but it is not a complete tool. At this point, the verdict is still out on the probative value of LCL in understanding the original meaning of the Second Amendment.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>This is how lawyers make their living, arguing over &#8216;fine points&#8217; of language when it&#8217;s simpler, and easier to understand that the Bill Of Rights is a list of things the goobermint is\u00a0to keep its hand off of, as opposed to how far it could pretzel the language to restrict the freedoms and liberties of &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/?p=69848\" class=\"more-link\">Continue reading<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> &#8220;&#8221;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-69848","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-rkba"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69848","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=69848"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69848\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":69854,"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69848\/revisions\/69854"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=69848"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=69848"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/milesfortis.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=69848"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}