U.S. House Subcommittee Holds Hearing on ‘The Right to Self Defense’

The U.S. House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Federal Government Surveillance, under the leadership of Chairman Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), held a committee hearing focused on the right of law-abiding Americans to protect themselves.

It’s a critical moment for Second Amendment rights as President Donald Trump campaigned on restoring community safety and vowing to protect the Constitutional rights of law-abiding Americans. That priority resonated with voters, including more than 26.2 million law-abiding Americans persuaded by crime and threats of violence in their communities to purchase a firearm for the first time over the past five years.

This priority also aligns with the House Republicans as they are committed to standing up for those Second Amendment rights and ensuring American communities are safe from criminal violence after historic surges in crime during the Biden-Harris administration.

Continue reading “”

Dr. Peter Hammond’s book, “Slavery, Terrorism and Islam”, documents the way moslems slowly develop a presence in various countries as their population numbers build;

When the Muslim population remains under 2% in a country, they will be seen primarily as a peace loving minority and not as a threat to other citizens.

As the Muslim population reaches 2% to 5%, they begin to recruit from ethnic minorities and disaffected groups, within prisons and street gangs.

From 5% on, they exercise an inordinate influence in proportion to their percentage of the population, They will push for the introduction of halal (clean by Islamic standards) food and increase pressure on supermarket chains to feature such food on their shelves, along with threats for failure to comply.

Soon they begin to apply pressure to allow Sharia law within their own communities.

When Muslims approach 10% of the population, they tend to increase lawlessness as a means of complaint about their conditions

The violence increases when the Muslim population reaches 20%.

From 60%, persecution of non-believing “infidels” rises significantly, including sporadic ethnic cleansing genocide, use of Sharia law as a weapon, and Jizya, a tax placed on infidels

After 80%, expect daily intimidation and violent jihad, some State-run ethnic cleansing, and even some genocide, as these nations drive out “infidels,” and move toward a 100% Muslim society

A 100% Muslim society will theoretically usher in their version of peace —  ‘Dar-es-Salaam’ — the Islamic House of Peace.


Mexico’s Frivolous Lawsuit: What SCOTUS Got Wrong About the Firearm Industry

Predicting how the U.S. Supreme Court might rule on a particular petition is risky business. Most legal analyses of the Smith & Wesson Brands, Inc., et al. v. Estados Unidos Mexicanos hearing this week are leaning in one direction – that the Court is likely to reject Mexico’s claims and ultimately dismiss their frivolous $10 billion lawsuit against U.S. firearm manufacturers.

After all, there’s no evidence to support their claim. Mexico can’t show the court how a lawfully-made and lawfully-sold gun that is illegally straw purchased, illegally smuggled across an international border, illegally possessed in Mexico and criminally misused by narco-terrorist drug cartels is the responsibility of U.S. gun makers. There was discussion among the justices and the lawyers about legal concepts and terms like “proximate cause,” “foreseeability” and “aiding and abetting,” but the simple understanding is that the justices seemed skeptical that they should accept that U.S. firearm manufacturers should be on the hook legally because they might foresee that someone, somewhere and years from when a gun is made, could criminally misuse that gun to cause harm that requires the government of Mexico to spend money in response. That’s the part that gives common sense and sanity a fighting chance in this case.

Some of the justices’ questions demonstrated that they did not all seem to fully understand how the industry legally conducts business.  Here are a couple of examples.

Continue reading “”

Davy Crockett and the Geopolitics of the Alamo
The Texans’ sacrifice at the Alamo and their improbable victory at San Jacinto still define our world.

Today marks the 189th anniversary of the martyrdom of the heroes of the Alamo, who died to delay the dictator Santa Anna’s army long enough so that Texian troops could rally and defend their homes. Singular among those heroes was Colonel and Congressman David S. Crockett, “King of the Wild Frontier.”

Born in 1786 in that part of North Carolina which was then the renegade “State of Franklin” but not yet the State of Tennessee, “Davy” Crockett was a legend even in his own time, and long before the Texas Revolution.

The son of John Crockett, one of the Overmountain Men unleashed by Joseph Martin to turn the tide of the Revolutionary War at Kings Mountain, the future legend in his teenage years repeatedly traveled on foot from eastern Tennessee to Virginia across the Appalachian mountains, developing skills and achieving feats for which he’d become so well known later.  He served under General Andrew Jackson in the Creek War and in Jackson’s campaign, late in the War of 1812, to drive the British out of Florida. By the age of 32 he’d been appointed a justice of the peace, elected lieutenant colonel of the Tennessee Militia, and started several successful business enterprises.

In the Tennessee legislature and in the U.S. House during Jackson’s Presidency, he fought untiringly against Congress’s overspending and unconstitutional expansion of its powers. He also vociferously opposed Jackson’s 1830 Indian Removal Act, the only member of the Tennessee delegation to do so. For this, the voters of Tennessee sent Crockett home. Undaunted, he ran again two years later and returned to the House, resuming his previous crusades and also collaborating with Kentucky Congressman Thomas Chilton to produce his autobiography, A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett, Written by Himself.

Crockett embarked upon an extensive book tour which, combined with larger-than-life stage productions such as Lion of the West and mythologized biographies like Sketches and Eccentricities of Colonel David Crockett of West Tennessee, cemented in the national mind his legend as a pioneer and frontiersman. Everywhere he went, from New York to Little Rock, adoring fans swarmed him.  More and more, he took the opportunity they afforded him to speak against the military threat and growing tyranny of Mexican dictator Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna and the need to support an American-style revolution in Texas.

By the time the voters dumped him again in August 1835, Crockett’s heart was consumed with the Texian cause.  No longer seeing Washington or the pettiness of politics as worthwhile, he famously told his erstwhile constituents, “You all can go to Hell, I’m going to Texas.”  And he went.

He arrived in Nacogdoches with a company of volunteers just five months later in January 1836, swearing an oath to the Provisional Government of Texas.  Barely a month later he and his group were in San Antonio de Bexar, with fellow Texian heroes Jim Bowie, Antonio Menchaca and Don Erasmo Seguin, a Founding Father of the Mexican republic who helped feed and finance the Texas Revolution (Don Erasmo was also the father of Juan Seguin, a defender of the Alamo who survived to become a hero of San Jacinto and a Senator of the Republic of Texas).

Less than a month later, Crockett died defending the Alamo.

Moderns appreciate little of the importance of this.  Some (outside Texas at least) see the Alamo as a minor incident at most. Many today view the Texas Revolution as an Anglo brutalization of a victimized Mexico. They ignore, willfully or otherwise, the multilingual, multi-ethnic nature of the affair, the many prominent Mexican statesmen who, loyal to the principles of their lost republic, took up arms in favor of the Revolution: men such as Erasmo Seguin and his friend Lorenzo de Zavala, the first Vice President of Texas, who was born in Yucatan and had previously served as Mexico’s Minister of Finance.

The revisionists also ignore the widespread opposition throughout Mexico to Santa Anna’s dictatorship and scrapping of the 1824 Constitution. In addition to Texas, both Yucatan and the Mexican states immediately across the Rio Grande from Texas formed republics and seceded from Mexico, albeit unsuccessfully.

But beyond the unquestionable rightness of the Texian cause, the successful Revolution served to answer the burning geopolitical question of that era, namely, would America or Mexico — and would liberty or tyranny — dominate the New World?

Santa Anna had proclaimed himself “the Napoleon of the West”:  his ambitions were vastly greater than just holding a few farms on the Brazos.  Had he imposed his tyranny on the Texians, he would have been liberated to threaten — and possibly conquer — New Orleans, the continent’s single most strategic point.

Had Santa Anna taken New Orleans, he would have reversed Jefferson’s achievement in securing the Louisiana Purchase and accomplished what the British in 1815 could not: the reduction of the United States to a servile position. And with all commerce in the Ohio, Missouri and Mississippi river basins bottled up at Santa Anna’s mercy, not only might America never have generated the capital, industrial strength and military might needed to become a great power, but an authoritarian Mexico might well have supplanted it, expanding throughout the West and the Caribbean Basin as well.

But for Houston’s victory at San Jacinto — but for Davy Crockett’s martyr’s death at the Alamo, enabling Houston’s triumph — the American experiment might well have come to nothing.  America might well have been recolonized in that era of global European expansion which saw India and China subjugated (as indeed Mexico was by France for a time, during the 1860s). And with the coming of the 20th Century, freedom might well have perished from the Earth.

History has long honored the greatness of David S. Crockett, and rightly so. He quite literally paid for our lives with his own.

Always be nice. Until it’s time to not be nice.

Let’s dissect the word “no” and make sure that we are using the best tone and body language when it matters most, self-preservation.

I spent time in the Merriam-Webster dictionary and the word “no” can be a noun, an adjective, or an adverb.

  • Nouns are the “subjects” of a sentence that refer to a person, place, thing, or idea. Example: “received a firm ‘no’ in reply.”
  • Adjectives describe or modify a noun. What kind? How many? Example: “no disputing the decision.”
  • Adverbs provide additional information about the verb. How? When? Where? Basically, action. Example: “shook his head no.”

I find this interesting because no matter what the category, “no” means roughly the same thing. Negative. Refusal. None. Denial. Never. Veto.

Think about all the different people you may say “no” to throughout the day. Now, think about some of the non-vigorous diverse ways to say “no.” Here are several examples listed below.

  • I am afraid I can’t.
  • Maybe next time.
  • I am busy.
  • I am not comfortable doing that.
  • I don’t want to.
  • Sounds great, but I cannot commit to it.
  • I am honored but I can’t.
  • I have another commitment.
  • I will have to pass.
  • I’m not interested.

There is a time and a place for everything, why not think of the word “no” in those terms? There are times to be polite, there are times to turn something down and give a reason, there are times to be direct with a simple “no”. The whole while needing time to consider the context and relationship when deciding how passive or firm you need to be.

Scenario: It is the middle of the day; you are at your favorite gas station filling up your tank and you see that a stranger has taken interest in you. He is about twenty-five feet from you, and you recognize that you have just been “targeted.” The bad man stares at you for over half a minute, gives you a charming smile and heads your way.

  1. Do you politely say, “Maybe next time” and then turn your back on him?
  2. Do you say, “I am honored that you have chosen me, but I’ll have to pass” and then offer him a dollar…which brings him closer to you?
  3. Do you say “stop! I cannot help you” while preparing to take other actions?

If your answer was #1 or #2, then you may not fully understand how to use the word “NO!” when you need to stop someone in their tracks.

Hands up

Talk to the hand…

There are times when you need to say “no” in a forceful way. Your goal is to grab their attention and make them understand that you are not vulnerable. Here are a few tips:

  • Your “No, go away” should be guttural and firm with a loud, commanding voice. It is a good idea to try to combine your “no” with simple instructions on what you want them to do, such as, “No, leave now”. Your goal is for them to leave without further confrontation.
  • Maintain solid eye contact for a few seconds that says, “I am serious”. Please manage your eye contact timing so it does not become a challenging stare.
  • Stand tall to show confidence, position your hands/arms in front of you to protect your head if things get nasty (plus it signals the universal “no”) and look around to see what direction you can quickly move to if necessary. Please make note that there is a difference between a confident posture and aggressive body language.
  • While all the above is happening, deploy pepper spray and reposition yourself so your car, the pump, the trash can, etc. are in between you and the bad man. An obstacle can give you time and space to make decisions.
  • If all of this does not stop him then maybe these steps have earned you the option to leave and avoid a potentially dangerous situation, or maybe it has put yourself in a position that you can use your pepper spray to stop him from doing bad things.

I highly recommend that you rehearse these steps, so they are fluid and feel second nature to you. The key to mastery is practice, practice, practice.

“If gun laws in fact worked, the sponsors of this type of legislation should have no difficulty drawing upon long lists of examples of crime rates reduced by such legislation. That they cannot do so after a century and a half of trying that they must sweep under the rug the southern attempts at gun control in the 1870-1910 period, the northeastern attempts in the 1920-1939 period, and the attempts at both Federal and State levels in 1965-1976 – establishes the repeated, complete, and inevitable failure of gun laws to control crime.”
– Senator Orrin G. Hatch (R-Utah) quoted from “The Right to Keep and Bear Arms, Report of the Senate Subcommittee on the Constitution, Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, February 1982, p. vii.”

MSNBC Panel: Democrats Really FUBAR’d the Moment, Huh?

Ya think?

Give credit to Symone Sanders and Michael Steele for being honest about Democrats’ abject strategic and tactical failures last night. But also consider the fact that they had little choice in the matter, after watching Democrats as a body soil the sheets on national TV.

“Republicans were not coming to play,” Steele noted, as though anything about Donald Trump’s triumphant return after four years of Democrat lawfare suggested anything different. Not to mention that the Democrats had spent the better part of two days leaking plans to organize disruptions to Trump’s speech to Congress, which at one point included noisemakers as well as “bingo signs,” which were every bit as stupid as Sanders and Steele describe. (Wait until the meme-makers get done with them. Those won’t be back.)

But none of the panel truly gets what went wrong for Democrats last night:

 

Put aside the complaint that Al Green was somehow treated unfairly or differently than Lauren Boebert or Marjorie Taylor Greene. (Take that complaint to Nancy Pelosi, who sat through last night’s speech looking utterly defeated.) Republicans knew better than to stage an organized food fight at a State of the Union or quasi-SOTU event. Why? Because presidents have the tactical and strategic advantage, especially when his party controls Congress.

James Carville used the analogy of Pickett’s Charge recently. For those who haven’t studied Gettysburg, Pickett’s Charge lost Robert E. Lee the battle and the war by ordering an infantry charge on the center of a fortified Union line across nearly a mile of open ground, on the military basis of We’re right and they’re not. Pickett’s forces — some of them — actually made it to the line, but his command was destroyed, and Lee was forced to retreat from then until Appomattox.

That’s exactly what happened last night, and it’s even more inexplicable than Lee’s decision at Gettysburg. The American people rejected Democrats and chose Trump despite four or even nine straight years of exactly this kind of attack on him. Trump triumphed over the ankle-biting as well as the lawfare, and despite the character assassinations Democrats have staged on Trump and his supporters. The last place to use those same strategies and tactics is in a place where Trump easily commands the high ground — cameras, the microphone, and the attention — especially since it has been blindingly clear that he loves doing battle.

Steele suggested that Democrats shouldn’t have shown up at all. That would have been a bad choice too; it would have made them look like absconders rather than responsible legislators, only willing to participate in civic duties when they’re in charge. It still would have been a better choice than what unfolded last night. To answer McCaskill’s question more fully, they should have sat quietly, gotten it over with, and afterward started listening more than talking. Instead, they sounded like unruly radicals, and acted like fools.

If they would stop emoting and start listening, they might understand why a new CBS poll shows that three out of every four viewers approved of Trump’s speech, even though only 51% of the viewers identified as Republicans. It’s because Trump used the speech to position himself on the 80% side of the 80/20 issues Americans care most about:

– 77% support his plan to cut government waste and spending

– 77% back his immigration and border policies

– 76% approve of Trump’s speech

– 76% approve of removing congressmen who interrupted his speech

– 74% say his speech was presidential

– 73% support his stance on Russia and Ukraine

– 68% say it made them feel hopeful and proud

– 68% say he has a clear plan to tackle inflation

– 68% say he accurately described America’s crime crisis

– 63% say he focused on issues they care about

In other words, Trump set a trap for Democrats who couldn’t have telegraphed their foolish strategy and tactics more loudly than if they’d exhumed Samuel Morse himself to do it. And Democrat leadership — not the Boeberts and the MTGs, but party leadership — led them on a Pickett’s Charge right into it, with crazy Al Green waving his walking stick to lead the charge.

Now Democrats look like a party that can’t even break free of their toxic Trump derangement long enough to stand for a child suffering from brain cancer, or a young man whose dream of serving his country through West Point has come true. Democrats are utterly lost because they stand for nothing except raw power to benefit themselves, and only themselves. And without any other real purpose, the only strategy that they can see is to stupidly charge at all times under the military doctrine of We’re right and they’re not.

Maybe they should learn from history rather than trying to edit it.

Trump Skips Guns in First Congressional Speech of Second Term

President Donald Trump did not mention gun policy once in what turned out to be the longest address to a joint session of Congress in history.

On Tuesday, Trump gave an hour-and-45-minute speech to the House and Senate. While he covered a myriad of topics during the marathon session, he did not make even a passing mention of gun policy.

That continues a trend of Trump downplaying guns in favor of other issues during his campaign and the early months of his second term.

The lack of attention to firearms during his congressional address, despite its length, mirrors Trump’s hour-and-a-half-long RNC keynote speech, where he also ducked the issue. It also follows him skipping out on gun executive orders during his day-one push to jumpstart his agenda. The White House then left gun rights off its literal priority list.

Trump had promised to enact a series of pro-gun reforms during his first week in office but failed to deliver on that timeline.

“Every single Biden attack on gun owners and manufacturers will be terminated my very first week back in office,” Trump said during a speech to NRA members last February.

However, Trump does have a concrete move he could have highlighted in the speech. He followed up those early moves by ordering a review of the executive branch’s approach to gun policy, especially federal rules established during the Biden Administration. So, he may still fulfill his promise to NRA members in the long run.

“The Second Amendment is an indispensable safeguard of security and liberty,” the executive order said. “It has preserved the right of the American people to protect ourselves, our families, and our freedoms since the founding of our great Nation. Because it is foundational to maintaining all other rights held by Americans, the right to keep and bear arms must not be infringed.”

While the order only tells Attorney General Pam Bondi to review policies, it lays out most priority areas the gun-rights movement has focused on for years. It has the potential to uproot most of the restrictions the Biden Administration imposed through executive actions and transform the federal government’s legal position in gun cases.

Bondi, who has faced criticism from gun-rights advocates over her history of backing some gun restrictions, will have some say over which policies to change. How big the administration decides to go on reforming those policies could determine whether gun-rights advocates remain on board with Trump’s presidency.