SCOTUS Distributes 2A Cases for Friday Conference

The U.S. Supreme Court has distributed a couple of important Second Amendment cases for conference this Friday, and all eyes will be watching to see whether oral arguments are scheduled as a result.

According to SCOTUSblog, the cases of Snope v. Brown and Maryland Shall Issue v. Moore both challenge Maryland’s restrictive gun control laws.

Snope is a case brought by the Second Amendment Foundation, Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms, the Firearms Policy Coalition, and private citizen, David Snope. It challenges Maryland’s ban on so-called “assault weapons” and this would be the third time the case has been brought to the high court for review.

SAF, CCRKBA and FPC contend the ban is unconstitutional on the grounds that the Second Amendment makes no distinction between the types of “arms” it protects. The modern semiautomatic rifle, epitomized by the AR-15 and its clones, is the most popular rifle in America. Millions are owned and used b y law-abiding citizens for hunting, competition, recreation, predator control and personal and home defense.

According to a SAF news release Tuesday, “SAF sought cert after the Fourth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled en banc that the modern semiautomatic rifles banned by Maryland fall outside the protection of the Second Amendment because they are too similar to military arms. SAF and its partners contend this reasoning “is becoming a commonplace misapplication” of Supreme Court precedents established by the 2008 Heller ruling, 2010 McDonald decision and 2022 Bruen decision.

Snope provides the Supreme Court with an excellent vehicle to correct the widespread misapplication of the Court’s precedent regarding these firearms and the Second Amendment, itself,” said SAF Executive Director Adam Kraut. “The case is on appeal from final judgment with an en banc decision of a circuit court. Moreover, the specific type of firearm in question is commonly owned across the country, placing it well within the scope and protection of the Second Amendment. By granting cert in Snope, the high court can help settle the matter once and for all.”

Moore challenges Maryland’s licensing requirement to even own a gun. As noted by SCOTUSblog, “Moreover, they contend that Justice Thomas’s footnote in Bruen was limited to licenses to carry guns in public and does not apply to laws, like Maryland’s, which require a license to own a gun at all. But in any event, the challengers argue that the state’s requirements are “abusive” because they collectively impose an excessive delay: up to a month for a background check to obtain a license, up to a week for a second background check to purchase a gun, and additional time to complete a firearm-safety course.”

This case should have the attention of gun rights activists and anti-gunners in Oregon and Washington, where the effort is ongoing to require people to get a permit to purchase from the police prior to being able to buy a gun.

If the Court grants certiorari in these cases, the outcome could have a devastating effect on gun control in the United States. Several states have banned so-called “assault weapons,” and a ruling that modern semi-autos are protected by the Second Amendment would almost certainly nullify those bans.

Another case up for consideration is Gray v. Jenningsinvolving SAF, FPC and others, challenges a ban on so-called “assault weapons” and “large-capacity magazines” in Delaware. There is no small irony in this case, as it seeks to undo a gun control law in the home state of departing President Joe Biden, a career gun control proponent who leaves the White House Jan. 20 as former President Donald Trump returns for a second term.

Appeals court makes ruling on St. Louis County prosecuting attorney appointment

An appeals court sided with Missouri Gov. Mike Parson over St. Louis County Executive Dr. Sam Page on who can appoint the St. Louis County prosecuting attorney, ending a month-long legal battle.

In a ruling Thursday, the circuit court’s judgment was affirmed.

Parson’s pick for prosecuting attorney, Melissa Price Smith, a St. Louis County assistant prosecuting attorney and supervisor for the office’s Sexual Assault and Child Abuse team, will replace outgoing prosecutor and Congressman-elect Wesley Bell.

Price Smith will be sworn in as St. Louis County prosecuting attorney and Bell will be sworn into Congress on Jan. 3.

On Dec. 20, a St. Louis County judge ruled that Parson had the power to replace the prosecuting attorney. The court order barred Page from “taking any further steps to fill the anticipated vacancy.”

Page had filed an appeal on Dec. 27 against the ruling.

The Most Dangerous ‘Gun Control’ Argument You Will Ever Read

We don’t make this statement lightly, but the folks over at Giffords and Brady have filed an amicus brief in a matter, challenging all of Maryland’s new sensitive places, that actually argues that the First Amendment and the Second Amendment cannot coexist, and because of that, the 2A will always take a back seat to the 1A. Washington Gun Law President, William Kirk, discusses one of the craziest and most dangerous pro-gun control argument you could ever imagine in the matter of Kipke v. Moore (aka Novotny v. Moore). So learn more today and arm yourself with education.

<(You can find the Amicus Brief here.)

Another City Learns The Hard Way About Preemption.

It seems like every time I look at the news, I see another city, whether in PennsylvaniaTennessee or somewhere else, having to take a big loss in the courtroom to accept the fact that state firearms preemption laws mean what they say. The latest was Fargo, North Dakota, where city leaders apparently decided they could make their own gun laws, despite the state preemption law saying the opposite.

According to a report from NRA’s Institute for Legislative Action (NRA-ILA), on December 19, the North Dakota Supreme Court upheld a lower court ruling dismissing a lawsuit brought by the city of Fargo against the state legislature to block a bill passed back in 2023 that strengthened the state’s preemption law.

According to NRA-ILA, Fargo has banned gun sales in residential-zoned areas, even by licensed FFLs, for many years. The city filed suit against HB 1340 shortly after the bill passed in 2023, arguing that the law violated their ability for local control.

Of course, the new law did violate their ability for local control. That’s exactly what the legislature had intended for it to do. In the recent ruling, the state Supreme Court found that infringing upon the Second Amendment does not fall under the purview of local control, much to the chagrin of Fargo leaders.

In its ruling, the court determined that the preemption law is constitutional, leaving Fargo out in the cold with its gun sales ban.

“We conclude H.B. 1340 does not violate article VII of the North Dakota Constitution,” the ruling stated. “We hold the legislature’s enactment of H.B. 1340 constitutes a valid exercise of its constitutional authority to create political subdivisions and, specifically, to define the powers of a home rule city. We conclude H.B. 1340, as enacted, is constitutional as applied to Fargo’s home rule charter and Fargo Municipal Code §§ 20-0403(C)(5)(e) and 20-402(T)(3). Due to this holding, we need not address Fargo’s argument H.B. 1340 and N.D.C.C. §§ 40-05.1-06 and 62.1-01-03, as amended, are facially unconstitutional.”

In the end, the court ruling stated: “The district court did not err in concluding H.B. 1340 preempts and renders void Fargo Municipal Code §§ 20-0403(C)(5)(e) and 20-402(T)(3). We affirm the judgment.”

The Final Two 9th Circuit Gun Decisions of 2024

Yesterday, Monday, December 30, 2024, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals published its final two decisions in cases involving guns.

The first decision involved the Federal law that permanently disbars persons convicted of misdemeanor domestic violence from possessing firearms, and the second involved a dispute over what constitutes an arrest when police see a handgun on the floor of an automobile in a state where that is legal.

The first decision is well written and meticulous and leaves no question as to why the three-judge panel reached its decision, a decision they would rather have gone the other way were it not for binding prior precedents.

The second decision does not explain why it reached its conclusion, and more importantly, the decision does not explain how future three-judge panels and district court judges are to comply with what is now a binding circuit precedent. Moreso, given that the facts laid out in the decision do not justify the panel’s conclusion under already binding prior 9th circuit precedents.

First, the well-written decision by 9th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Morgan B. Christen. She is certainly no friend of the Second Amendment, but if there were a candidate for the most intelligent Court of Appeals judge, she would be the one to bet on. The case is US v. Michal Blake DeFrance No. 23-2409.

The first three paragraphs of the opinion summary succinctly describe the case’s what and why, but I will take a stab at an even simpler explanation. In short, if one is convicted of a state law crime of domestic violence, and that state law crime is broader than the Federal definition, even if the state has never prosecuted someone under the broader definition, then the conviction does not qualify as a crime of domestic violence under Federal law. Not even if the crime one committed, such as beating one’s wife or girlfriend, does qualify as a crime of domestic violence under Federal law. You can view the oral argument below.

You can read the opinion (and concurrence) at this link.

The second case is US v. Larry Send In. The opinion is by Judge Gould and was joined by 9th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Bumatay and District Court Judge Michael Seabright, the latter of whom is no friend to the Second Amendment.

A fun fact about the Fourth Amendment is that from 1833 to 1961, it did not apply to the states. That did not mean police could stop, search, and/or arrest anyone they wanted. Under American common law, which we inherited from English common law, one could use force, including deadly force, to resist an unlawful arrest. That was the rule in California until 1957 when the California legislature repealed that centuries-old common law right. The California Supreme Court upheld the repeal in 1970.

Incorporating the Fourth Amendment right against the states in 1961 means the courts have had far more opportunities in 64 years to poke holes in the right. The decision in this case is yet another hole punched in the right.

Another fun fact is that California once had a bright-line rule. If you were stopped by the police and not free to go, you were under arrest.

The Federal Courts invented the notion that one can be stopped and handcuffed without it being an arrest. It is a “detention,” in which cases often turn on whether or not the detention was lawful and, in this particular case, at what point an arrest occurs. The California Supreme Court has abandoned its bright-line rule for the murky waters of the Federal Courts.

Of course, police forces as we know them today did not exist in the United States until the early 20th century. Before World War II, most arrests were made by private citizens, and private citizens likewise made most criminal prosecutions.

It was not until the 1970s that the US Supreme Court gave prosecutors and judges “absolute immunity” from civil prosecution in the Federal Courts, but I digress.

Under modern Fourth Amendment jurisprudence, judges look to the totality of the facts in making their decisions. In this case, the district court judge suppressed the gun found in Mr. In’s car, but the panel reversed. Why? I don’t know. Professor Shaun Martin at the University of San Diego School of Law doesn’t seem to know either. He wrote about the case on his blog.

When you read the decision, keep in mind that lying to a police officer is not in and of itself a crime, and Mr. In’s lying to police about having a gun in his car was not probable cause for an arrest, according to the panel. Indeed, none of the facts of the case viewed in isolation or the totality of the circumstances constituted probable cause for an arrest, and if Mr. In had, in fact, been arrested instead of detained for officer safety, then the gun would have been suppressed.

Neither police officer safety nor public safety is a magic talisman. But despite this decision conflicting with prior circuit precedents, it is doubtful that an en banc petition will be granted in this case. There are just too many judges in the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals who don’t care a fig about the Fourth Amendment, especially when the case involves guns.

You can view the oral argument below.

You can read the opinion at this link.

The January 6 prisoners strike back with a $50 billion lawsuit

I am one who believes that the events on January 6 were a set-up. Democrats knew that Trump supporters would be flooding D.C., so they withdrew law enforcement, removed physical guardrails, seeded the crowd with provocateurs, trusted the press of people to steer innocents into trouble, and then used a weaponized Justice Department to destroy people who showed up on January 6 and found themselves near the Capitol. That’s why I happen to think the planned $50 billion class action J6 prisoner lawsuit is a good idea to expose the government’s role in J6.

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Take That! Court Tells Biden Admin to Quit Selling Border Wall Materials

Joe Biden is thankfully on his way out, but as he prepares to evacuate the Oval Office and head back to the Delaware beach, he keeps throwing out obstacles for incoming President-elect Donald Trump.

In one of the Biden administration’s more craven moves, they’ve been busy selling off equipment and supplies for the border wall that Trump promised during his first term, which Joe ended when he took office.

Well, take this Christmas present, Joe and Co:

The Biden administration on Friday said it would stop selling off materials slated to be used to build a border wall ahead of the incoming Trump administration, which has promised to bring back tougher efforts to combat illegal immigration.

The Biden administration confirmed to a court that it will agree to a court order preventing it from disposing of any further border wall materials over the next 30 days, allowing President-elect Trump to use those materials, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton said.

Trump hailed the victory on Saturday:

Meanwhile, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton let his feelings be known on Friday:

This follows our major victory forcing Biden to build the wall, and we will hold his Administration accountable for illegally subverting our Nation’s border security until their very last day in power, especially where their actions are clearly motivated by a desire to thwart President-elect Trump’s immigration agenda.

Mate v. Westcott – FPC Law Challenge to Louisiana Non-Resident Carry Ban

LAKE CHARLES, La. (December 23, 2024) — Firearms Policy Coalition (FPC) announced Monday that it has filed a new federal lawsuit challenging Louisiana’s ban on firearm carry by non-residents. The complaint in Mate v. Westcott can be viewed at firearmspolicy.org/mate.

“Closing off nonresidents’ ability to obtain a carry license substantially infringes their constitutionally protected right to carry a firearm in public for self-defense,” the complaint says. “There is no well-established and representative historical tradition of restricting the ability to bear arms based on residency.”

“Peaceable people have a constitutionally protected right to carry firearms throughout the United States,” said FPC President Brandon Combs. “Second Amendment protected rights don’t end at a state’s border. This case is an important step towards achieving our goal of restoring the right to bear arms everywhere.”

The Mate v. Wescott case is part of FPC’s high-impact strategic litigation program, FPC Law, aimed at eliminating immoral laws and creating a world of maximal liberty. FPC is joined in the litigation by two FPC members. FPC thanks FPC Action Foundation for its strategic support of this FPC Law case.

Federal Appeals Court Upholds Non-Violent Felon Gun Ban

The government can permanently disarm somebody convicted of non-violent felonies if their broader criminal history contains violent conduct, a federal appeals court has ruled.

On Monday, a three-judge panel for the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously rejected a Kentucky defendant’s as-applied challenge to his recent conviction for possessing a firearm as a felon. The panel ruled that even if a person is convicted of non-violent felonies, the totality of their criminal record can indicate “dangerousness” that permits disarmament under the Second Amendment.

“Morton’s criminal record demonstrates dangerousness, specifically that he has committed ‘violent’ crimes ‘against the person,’” Judge Rachel Bloomekatz wrote in US v. Morton. “So, his conviction is consistent with the Second Amendment as interpreted in Williams. Accordingly, § 922(g)(1) is constitutional as applied to him.”

The ruling stands out as the first time the Sixth Circuit has applied its unique standard for adjudicating challenges to the federal felony gun ban—by far the most common Second Amendment claim arising in the courts since the Supreme Court’s landmark Bruen decision. Other circuits have either issued blanket rulings upholding the federal ban as constitutional or struck it down in narrow applications without setting a generalized standard for evaluating other cases. But the Sixth Circuit crafted a standard that only convicted felons who are shown to be “dangerous” can be disarmed in an August ruling upholding the ban.

Monday’s panel was tasked with applying that new “dangerousness” test to Jaylin Morton.

Morton was arrested in 2022 on several outstanding warrants and was found to be in possession of multiple handguns. At the time of his arrest, he already had “at least six prior felony convictions.” Those included multiple convictions for possessing a firearm as a felon, evading the police, one for burglary, and one for intimidating a participant in a legal process. He also had multiple non-felony assault convictions, including one for a domestic-violence incident in which he “punched his then-girlfriend in the head.”

He was subsequently indicted for possessing a firearm as a felon, which he moved to challenge on the grounds that the Second Amendment does not permit disarming him because his prior felony convictions were for non-violent crimes.

Drawing on the Sixth Circuit’s earlier ruling from August, US v. Williams, Judge Bloomekatz said that the court’s controlling precedent recognizes constitutional applications of the lifetime felony gun ban for offenses that “strongly suggest dangerousness,” particularly “crimes against the person,” like murder and assault. Bloomekatz said Morton’s criminal conduct “undoubtedly” demonstrates he is violent.

“Among other offenses, Morton was previously convicted for wanton endangerment and possessing a firearm as a felon after he shot at his ex-girlfriend and her family, and then showed up at her house a few weeks later and verbally harassed her with a gun on his person,” she wrote. “On another occasion, Morton was convicted of assault resulting from a domestic-violence incident after he punched his then-girlfriend in the head during an argument.”

And though the domestic violence incident was not a felony that currently underlies his lifetime firearms ban, she said the court “may look at Morton’s whole criminal history in assessing dangerousness.”

“Moreover, we are not confined to the fact of conviction alone, but may consider how an offense was committed,” she wrote. “Accordingly, Morton’s convictions demonstrate his dangerousness, making § 922(g)(1) constitutional as applied to him.”

The decision adds to the growing divergence in how lower courts are handling the federal lifetime gun ban for felons. Even courts that have reached similar conclusions to one another have done so under a variety of approaches, which has resulted in a variety of enforcement standards for the most commonly charged federal gun statute.

In June, Department of Justice expressed concern over the growing divide and asked the Supreme Court to resolve the matter.

“The substantial costs of prolonging uncertainty about the statute’s constitutionality outweigh any benefits of further percolation,” US Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar said at the time.

However, the Court opted to sidestep the matter. Instead, it remanded half a dozen requested cases back down to the appellate system to be reconsidered in light of its most recent case law.

Even as many of those cases have returned with unchanged outcomes, the Court has not yet taken up one that would resolve the question.

George Stephanopoulos and ABC apologize to Trump, are forced to pay $15 million to settle defamation suit.

FIRST ON FOX– ABC News and its top anchor George Stephanopoulos have reached a settlement with Donald Trump in his defamation suit, which will result in the news network paying the president-elect $15 million.

The settlement was publicly filed on Saturday, revealing that the two parties have come to an agreement and avoided a costly trial. According to the settlement, ABC News will pay $15 million as a charitable contribution to a “Presidential foundation and museum to be established by or for Plaintiff, as Presidents of the United States of America have established in the past.” Additionally, the network will pay $1 million in Trump’s attorney fees.

Stephanopoulos and ABC News also had to issue statements of “regret” as an editor’s note at the bottom of a March 10, 2024, online article, about comments made earlier this year that prompted Trump to file the defamation lawsuit. The note reads, “ABC News and George Stephanopoulos regret statements regarding President Donald J. Trump made during an interview by George Stephanopoulos with Rep. Nancy Mace on ABC’s This Week on March 10, 2024.”

ABC News said the network was “pleased” to have concluded the case.

“We are pleased that the parties have reached an agreement to dismiss the lawsuit on the terms in the court filing,” an ABC News spokesperson told Fox News Digital.

Trump filed a defamation suit against Stephanopoulos after he asserted that Trump was found “liable for rape” in a civil case during a contentious interview with Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C., last March.

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Daniel Penny’s Legal Battle Takes Shocking Turn—Plans Malicious Prosecution Lawsuit Against DA Alvin Bragg Rock Social Media

Daniel Penny, a former U.S. Marine, is reportedly considering filing a malicious prosecution lawsuit against Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg. The potential legal action stems from Bragg’s decision to bring charges against Penny for the May 2023 subway chokehold death of Jordan Neely.

According to Fox News, Penny’s legal team is exploring whether Bragg’s office overstepped its bounds in prosecuting him for manslaughter. Penny was captured on video subduing Neely in a New York City subway after the latter reportedly acted aggressively toward other passengers. The incident sparked nationwide debates on self-defense, mental health, and the criminal justice system.

While Penny maintains that his actions were meant to protect passengers, Bragg’s office contends that Neely’s death was preventable. The charges against Penny were filed following an outcry from activists and political leaders, who labeled the incident a racial injustice. Penny, however, insists that the charges were politically motivated and now appears ready to challenge Bragg in court.

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“Imagine filing lawsuit against Glock, getting five paragraphs in, and admitting you fundamentally don’t understand how the gun even works.”

Imagine filing lawsuit against Glock, getting five paragraphs in, and admitting you fundamentally don’t understand how the gun even works.

Holding down the trigger bar will cause a dead trigger – not fire the gun repeatedly. Embarrassing.

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Fundamental misunderstanding continues. The G18 achieves auto fire differently than a G17 with a switch does. The trigger bar isn’t “held down” in either case, though.

If holding down the trigger bar is all that was required, you wouldn’t need a switch at all.Image

The G46 has the same dastardly trigger bar that works in the same dastardly way. Making a switch for a G46 wouldn’t be fundamentally different than making one for a G17. But don’t worry, New Jersey says the G46 is cool.Image
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This is so unbelievably dumb. Mind numbingly so.Image
Me whenever I don’t know how springs work. Me when I’m the master of Glock knowing. Me when I’m a lawyer getting paid to lawsuit and I just make stuff up.Image
If “remaining lowered” is all that it took, why don’t Glocks go full auto if you assemble them without the trigger bar at all? Permanently lowered if it isn’t installed. Shutting the slide should rip the whole mag, right?Image

Discussion Of Final Judgment Item By Item

Judge Joel Cohen’s Final Judgment has been released. Realistically, I think both sides can claim victory as it grants measures to both the New York Attorney General’s Office and to the NRA. On my initial reading of the document, I wish Judge Cohen had gone a bit further. It does emphasize just how important the 2025 Board of Directors election will be for the future of the NRA.

The Final Judgment does follow much of what was said in court in the last hearing. For example, Judge Cohen was critical of the petition process calling it “antiquated” and thought it could be done electronically. That is in the Final Judgment. Another example is that Judge Cohen was leery of having the recommendations from the Committee on Organization on board size die “a quiet death in committee”. The Final Judgment mandates the committee have its proposals ready for the April 2025 board meeting.

The Final Judgment itself covers seven pages and the remainder of the 25 page document is composed of exhibits. The Final Judgment starts with the Stipulations agreed to by defendants Joshua Powell and Wilson “Woody” Phillips. It then goes on to dismiss the 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th causes of action in the NYAG’s Second Amendment Complaint. These dealt primarily with permanent bars on the named defendants along with items covered in the stipulations. The Final Judgment then moves to the remedial actions that the NRA shall implement.

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Now, they need to relocate the corporation from New York before James fonds something  else to sue them for .

NRA Successfully Resolves Longstanding Legal Battle with New York Attorney General

December 11, 2024

The National Rifle Association of America (NRA) today announced the successful conclusion of a multi-year legal battle with New York Attorney General Letitia James. In August 2020, James sued to dissolve the Association and seize its assets following a campaign-trail promise to target the Association, its banks, and its donors. After the NRA defeated the NYAG’s “corporate death penalty” claim, James sought a court-appointed monitor to oversee the gun group. The court rejected that request this summer.

In the end, Justice Joel Cohen denied all invasive relief sought by the government. Instead, the court’s order is tailored to compliance and governance measures in the NRA’s interest—many proposed by the NRA itself, and several of which were already underway at the Association. The NRA pays no fines or penalties under today’s judgment. Instead, the judgment entitles the NRA to collect millions of dollars from former executives found to have breached their duties.

“The NYAG sought to shut us down, and then appoint outsiders to oversee management of this historic organization,” said NRA President Bob Barr. “Fortunately for freedom lovers everywhere, this politically motivated attempt failed. This was the ultimate stand at our moment of truth – defeating an unprecedented attack from the highest levels of New York government. The NRA remains strong, safe, and independent – continuing to protect freedoms.”

Today’s judgment caps a six-year saga during which the NRA withstood not only the NYAG’s lawsuit, but a barrage of other blue-state regulatory actions, sweeping congressional inquiries, and a debanking effort by New York officials that became the subject of a blockbuster Supreme Court decision in May. In that case, NRA v. Vullo, all nine justices backed the Association’s First Amendment claims, and the ACLU stood shoulder to shoulder with the NRA against New York.

“The last six years have been difficult for NRA members, staff, and supporters,” said NRA CEO and Executive Vice President Doug Hamlin. “With Judge Cohen’s ruling, we can now put this challenging chapter in NRA history behind us and focus solely on the business of the members and all law-abiding gun owners. The NRA is committed to transparency, compliance, and good governance going forward. Today’s outcome ensures that NRA members can support the Association, America’s oldest civil rights organization, with confidence.”

The Supremes have never been all that big on taking ‘interlocutory’ appeals, that is, the case hasn’t been heard and ruled on all the way through the lower courts.


Justice Thomas’s Statement Reaffirms Sword-Shield Dichotomy
“A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality as a defense ‘where a statute is invalid upon its face and an attempt is made to enforce its penalties in violation of constitutional right.'”

Today [the 9th] the Supreme Court denied cert in Wilson v. Hawaii, which I wrote about here. Justice Thomas wrote a statement respecting the denial of cert, joined by Justice Alito. The posture of the case is a bit unusual. The defendant was convicted of carrying a firearm without a license. At the time, Hawaii imposed a “may issue” conceal carry law. It turns out that Wilson had never applied for a carry permit. To challenge his conviction, the defendant argued that Hawaii’s carry law runs afoul of Bruen. However, the Hawaii Supreme Court held that he could not raise the Second Amendment as a defense against the carry regime. Justice Thomas explains:

There, the [state] court invoked state standing law to avoid any meaningful Second Amendment analysis. It held that, because Wilson had not applied for a license and had not been charged with violating the licensing statute itself (which was not a criminal statute), he lacked standing to challenge the particulars of the licensing regime. Id., at 12–13, 543 P. 3d, at 444–445. Instead, he could argue only that the Second Amendment categorically forbids state licensing regimes. Because that is not the case, the court held, Hawaii’s prohibitions on unlicensed carry “do not graze Wilson’s Second Amendment right.”

Justice Thomas explained why this approach is mistaken:

A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality as a defense “where a statute is invalid upon its face and an attempt is made to enforce its penalties in violation of constitutional right.” Smith v. Cahoon, 283 U. S. 553, 562 (1931). A “long line of precedent” confirms this point. See, e.g., City of Lakewood v. Plain Dealer Publishing Co., 486 U. S. 750, 755–757 (1988) (collecting cases).

Even though Wilson was not being prosecuted for violating the civil registration law, the defendant could still challenge the government’s enforcement action based on the unconstitutionality of the gun control law.

Here, the Defendant does not need any sort of cause of action to raise the unconstitutionality of the statute. The Constitution is being used as a “shield.”

However, Justice Thomas does not say that “A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality,” full stop. It can always be raised as a “defense” or a “shield.” But for the Constitution to be raised as a “sword” to seek affirmative relief, a cause of action is needed. Justice Thomas recognized this principle in last term in DeVillier v. Texas:

Constitutional rights do not typically come with a built-in cause of action to allow for private enforcement in courts. See Egbert v. Boule, 596 U. S. 482, 490–491 (2022). Instead, constitutional rights are generally invoked defensively in cases arising under other sources of law, or asserted offensively pursuant to an independent cause of action designed for that purpose, see, e.g., 42 U. S. C. §1983. (slip op. at 5.)

Wilson should have been able to invoke the Second Amendment defensively, but could only assert it offensively with a cause of action.

Justice Thomas continues to bring clarity to an area of that is often misunderstood.

For those interested in reading further, Seth Barrett Tillman and I discuss the sword-shield dichotomy in Sweeping and Forcing (pp. 389–404); see also Anderson v. Griswold, Colo., 543 P.3d 283, 348, 351 & n.7, 356 (Colo. Dec. 19, 2023) (Samour, J., dissenting) (citing Sweeping and Forcingsupra) (adopting the sword-shield dichotomy as basis for dismissing plaintiffs’ purported Section 3 action).

Good News and Bad News From Supreme Court on Monday

While there are a lot of good things gun rights advocates can celebrate, including at least four years of knowing that gun control won’t pass at the federal level unless something very strange happens, but that doesn’t mean everything is good news.

There are way too many anti-gun states still for that to be the case.

So, as a result of that, we need to use the courts to overturn some of these insane laws. Eventually, at least some of them need to go to the Supreme Court where, hopefully, the justices will slap the laws down and down hard.

And on that front, there’s some good news and some not-so-good news.

Let’s start with the good news.

The United States Supreme Court has set an official conference date of December 13 to decide if the High Court will hear Snope v. Brown, a case directly challenging Maryland’s assault weapon ban, addressing whether states can legally ban semi-automatic rifles such as the AR-15, commonly owned and used by law-abiding citizens. While some say this case has the potential to redefine the future of firearm legislation across the nation, the fact that arguments are so deeply rooted in precedent set by earlier landmark Second Amendment decisions such as District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) and New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen (2022) makes one wonder, haven’t we been here before?

It has been over a decade and a half since Heller affirmed that firearms “in common use” for lawful purposes cannot be banned, a principle further solidified just over two years ago when Bruen held that firearm laws must be consistent with the nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation, rejecting the use of “means-end” tests by future courts when evaluating firearm restrictions. These precedents are central, and one could say redundant, to the arguments outlined in Snope v. Brown, however, that has not stopped states like Maryland from enacting laws that fly in the face of previous SCOTUS rulings.

The truth is that Maryland and every other state with an assault weapon ban on the books needs to get over it. The mean-end testing that used to be applicable to gun control laws no longer applies, which is good because I don’t see how that wasn’t subjective as Hades.

Of course, this is really just the next step in a process that was already in motion and doesn’t necessarily mean all that much except that we’ll get a feel for where the justices will come down on this one. I’d like to say Bruen tells us exactly what happened, but then Rahimi suggested otherwise. In a few days, we’ll have some more to go on.

Hopefully, it’ll be clear that assault weapon bans’ days are numbered.

That’s the goodish news.

Now, the not-so-good.

The Supreme Court declined to intervene or overturn a Hawaii State Supreme Court decision that allowed the state to prosecute a man carrying a loaded pistol without a license.

Justices Clarence Thomas and Justice Samuel Alito criticized the Hawaii court’s ruling, but supported the U.S. Supreme Court’s move on technical grounds. Thomas wrote that the court should hear an “appropriate” case to “make clear that Americans are always free to invoke the Second Amendment as a defense against unconstitutional firearms-licensing schemes.”…

Thomas, writing Monday, said: “Had the Hawaii Supreme Court followed its duty to consider the merits of Wilson’s defense, the licensing scheme’s unconstitutionality should have been apparent.”

He noted that Wilson could ask the Supreme Court to review the case again — a view echoed by Justice Neil Gorsuch.

This is, of course, the “Aloha Spirit” case that stirred up so much hate and discontent.

The truth is that Hawaii’s licensing scheme is incredibly problematic, and rather than make the case that no, it really wasn’t, the judges there simply pretended that it doesn’t matter because their state’s history is somehow completely different from the rest of the nation’s. Granted, Hawaii wasn’t exactly one of the original 13 colonies or anything, but neither were most other states. Our nation’s founding predated and supersedes state history on matters of constitutional law and, frankly, I wish the justices had opted to hear it.

Cam should have more on this case later today.

In the meantime, though, the good news here–the reason I didn’t call it “bad news”–is that Wilson can kick off the process again, and at least two justices seem to want him to do just that. I hope he does and I hope gun rights groups through the nation help with that, because if Hawaii can get away with what’s on the books there, someone else is going to do it and argue it’s justified.

Just may be me, but I think the jury, after receiving an instruction from the judge to consider that lesser charge, that completely contradicted his first instructions, may have decided to flip the court the finger.

Not guilty verdict in Daniel Penny trial

Daniel Penny, a Marine veteran who used a deadly chokehold on homeless man Jordan Neely on the New York City subway last year, was found not guilty in a verdict delivered after days of jury deliberations and courtroom back-and-forth.

Penny was cleared of criminally negligent homicide in Neely’s death. A more serious manslaughter charge was dismissed earlier in deliberations because the jury deadlocked on that count.

Daniel Penny trial: Timeline of events in NYC chokehold case

Ketanji Brown Jackson Vs. Sonia Sotomayor: Who’s Dumber?

On Wednesday, the Supreme Court heard arguments in U.S. v. Skrmetti, a pivotal case addressing state restrictions on controversial medical interventions, including puberty blockers and hormone treatments for minors with gender confusion. At the heart of the case is a Tennessee law banning these procedures for children, with the court’s decision likely to have far-reaching consequences. Will our country protect children from these barbaric and irreversible procedures or not?

As I previously reported, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson humiliated herself when she bizarrely tried to equate banning transgender procedures for minors with prohibiting interracial marriage. She began with a convoluted statement: “Being drawn by the statute that was sort of like the starting point, the question was whether it was discriminatory because it applied to both races and it wasn’t necessarily invidious or whatever.”

It got worse from there.

“But you know, as I read … the case here, the court starts off by saying that Virginia is now one of 16 states which prohibit and punish marriages on the basis of racial classifications.” While it was clear that she intended to invoke historical racial discrimination, the connection to the case at hand was tenuous at best.

The real stretch came when she concluded, “And when you look at the structure of that law, it looks in terms of you can’t do something that is inconsistent with your own characteristics. It’s sort of the same thing.”

The suggestion that anyone could somehow liken laws protecting minors from irreversible and harmful gender procedures to bans on interracial marriage is downright absurd. Jackson’s argument hinged on a confusing assertion that both types of laws were based on “inconsistency” with one’s “characteristics,” a comparison that is frankly laughable and dumb.

But she wasn’t the only left-wing justice on the court to make a dumb argument.

While speaking before the court, Tennessee’s Solicitor General asked, “How many minors have to have their bodies irreparably harmed for unproven benefits?”

And that’s when Justice Sonia Sotomayor promptly jumped in.

“I’m sorry, Counselor,” she said, interrupting him. “Every medical treatment has a risk, even taking aspirin, there is always going to be a percentage of the population under any medical treatment that’s going to suffer a harm.”

That’s right. Sotomayor, the so-called “wise Latina,” compared cutting off the healthy breasts and genitals of minors to taking aspirin.
Which justice made the dumber argument? Jackson bizarrely compared Tennessee’s ban on gender procedures for minors to bans on interracial marriage, claiming that both involve “inconsistency” with inherent characteristics. The analogy was a spectacular failure as protecting minors from irreversible harm has nothing to do with racial discrimination.

Meanwhile, Sotomayor trivialized the issue by likening the risks of permanent, life-altering surgeries on minors to those of taking aspirin. This flippant dismissal of the severe, irreversible consequences of such procedures demonstrates a shocking lack of seriousness.

Both arguments are embarrassingly absurd, making it difficult to determine which is more moronic. One thing is for sure: both are an embarrassment to the court.