Another City Learns The Hard Way About Preemption.

It seems like every time I look at the news, I see another city, whether in PennsylvaniaTennessee or somewhere else, having to take a big loss in the courtroom to accept the fact that state firearms preemption laws mean what they say. The latest was Fargo, North Dakota, where city leaders apparently decided they could make their own gun laws, despite the state preemption law saying the opposite.

According to a report from NRA’s Institute for Legislative Action (NRA-ILA), on December 19, the North Dakota Supreme Court upheld a lower court ruling dismissing a lawsuit brought by the city of Fargo against the state legislature to block a bill passed back in 2023 that strengthened the state’s preemption law.

According to NRA-ILA, Fargo has banned gun sales in residential-zoned areas, even by licensed FFLs, for many years. The city filed suit against HB 1340 shortly after the bill passed in 2023, arguing that the law violated their ability for local control.

Of course, the new law did violate their ability for local control. That’s exactly what the legislature had intended for it to do. In the recent ruling, the state Supreme Court found that infringing upon the Second Amendment does not fall under the purview of local control, much to the chagrin of Fargo leaders.

In its ruling, the court determined that the preemption law is constitutional, leaving Fargo out in the cold with its gun sales ban.

“We conclude H.B. 1340 does not violate article VII of the North Dakota Constitution,” the ruling stated. “We hold the legislature’s enactment of H.B. 1340 constitutes a valid exercise of its constitutional authority to create political subdivisions and, specifically, to define the powers of a home rule city. We conclude H.B. 1340, as enacted, is constitutional as applied to Fargo’s home rule charter and Fargo Municipal Code §§ 20-0403(C)(5)(e) and 20-402(T)(3). Due to this holding, we need not address Fargo’s argument H.B. 1340 and N.D.C.C. §§ 40-05.1-06 and 62.1-01-03, as amended, are facially unconstitutional.”

In the end, the court ruling stated: “The district court did not err in concluding H.B. 1340 preempts and renders void Fargo Municipal Code §§ 20-0403(C)(5)(e) and 20-402(T)(3). We affirm the judgment.”

Wisconsin Rule Banning Guns While Fishing is Reeled In

Anglers in Wisconsin can now legally carry firearms while fishing, following a recent decision by the state’s Joint Committee for Review of Administrative Rules. The Republican-controlled committee voted 8-2 on Dec. 17 to temporarily repeal a long-standing Department of Natural Resources (DNR) rule that prohibited guns “that might be used for the purpose of fishing.” The DNR has indicated it will permanently repeal the rule as part of a lawsuit settlement, mostly because it just stupid.

Legal Challenge Spurs Change

The rule’s repeal stems from a lawsuit filed by the conservative Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty on behalf of Sheboygan Falls resident Travis Kobs. The lawsuit argued the regulation was unconstitutional, effectively creating a blanket firearm ban on state waterways.

DNR attorney Chandra Harvey explained to the committee that the rule, dating back to at least the 1950s, was originally designed to prevent the illegal shooting of fish. However, the passage of Wisconsin’s concealed carry law in 2011 brought the rule into conflict with state statutes protecting the right to carry firearms.

“The regulation no longer aligns with current state law,” Harvey told the committee.

Divided Opinions on Gun Access

The committee’s decision was not without controversy. Democratic Senators Kelda Roys of Madison and Chris Larson of Milwaukee voted against the repeal, citing concerns over increased gun access, a seemingly blanket argument by Democrats on any committee.

“I think there are still good reasons why we should not have more guns in more places, especially given recent events in my district,” Roys said.

Larson questioned whether the DNR had issued any citations under the rule. Harvey confirmed that no citations had been issued for carrying guns while fishing, prompting Republican Senator Steve Nass of Whitewater to remark, “Nobody’s pulling their pistol out to shoot fish. So, hallelujah.”

Looking Ahead

The DNR will likely permanently repeal the firearm restriction for anglers, marking a significant shift away from a law that effectively served no purpose and never even needed to be enforced. On a side note for those looking how to properly carry while fishing GunfightersINC, which makes holsters, even has an article on how to fish while carrying and what holsters are best.

New CCW Report Says Decline Reflects ‘Constitutional Carry’ Impact

The number of active concealed carry licenses declined again, possibly because 29 states now allow permitless carry.

 

For the second year in a row, the number of active concealed carry permits and licenses in the U.S. has declined slightly, but the Crime Prevention Research Center (CPRC) suggests the drop reflects the impact of “Constitutional Carry” permitless states, so it’s not as though fewer people are packing heat.

“Last year,” CPRC reported, “the number of permit holders dropped by 0.38 million to 21.46 million – the second year in a row with a decline. It hit a high of 22.01 million in 2022. The main reason for the drop is that the number of permits declined gradually in the Constitutional Carry states even though it is clear that more people are legally carrying.”

CPRC, based in Missoula, Mont., has been tracking concealed carry patterns for several years. Its annual report is published in the fall, typically in late October or early November.

Among this year’s revelations:

  • Twenty-nine states have now adopted “Constitutional (permitless) Carry” for their entire state, meaning that a permit is no longer required. Because of these Constitutional Carry states, the concealed carry permits number does not paint a full picture of how many people are legally carrying across the nation. Many residents still choose to obtain permits so that they can carry in other states that have reciprocity agreements, but while permits are increasing in the non-Constitutional Carry states, they fell in the Constitutional Carry ones even though more people are clearly carrying in those states.
  • In 2024, women made up 29.1% of permit holders in the 14 states that provide data by gender. Seven states had data from 2012 to 2023/2024, and permit numbers grew 111.9% faster for women than for men.
  • Five states now have over 1 million permit holders: Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Texas. Florida is the top states with 2.46 million permits. Alabama has fallen below 1 million permit holders this year, but it has become a Constitutional Carry state since January 1, 2023, meaning that people no longer need a permit to carry.
  • Three states that have detailed race and gender data for at least a decade show remarkably larger increases in permits for minorities compared to whites. In Texas, black females saw an 8.4 times greater percentage increase in permits than white males from 2002 to 2023. Oklahoma data from 2002 to 2023 indicated that the increase of licenses approved for Asians was slightly over four times the rate for whites. North Carolina had black permits increase twice as fast as whites from 1996 till 2016.
  • From 2015 to 2021/2023/2024, in the four states that provide data by race over that time period, the number of Asian people with permits increased 219.2% % faster than the number of whites with permits. Blacks appear to be the group that has experienced the largest increase in permitted concealed carry, growing 283.9% % faster than whites.
  • At least 8.2% of American adults have permits. Outside of the restrictive states of California and New York, about 9.8% of adults have a permit.

In sixteen states, more than 10% of adults have permits. Oregon has fallen slightly below 10% this year. Indiana has the highest concealed carry rate — 23.1%.  Alabama is second with 20.5%, and Colorado is third with 17.7%, followed by Pennsylvania (15.88%) and Georgia (13.55%).

The 73-page report said this year saw two more states join the permitless carry column—South Carolina and Louisiana—bringing the total to 29, and that’s a majority of states. By no small coincidence, holdout states are controlled by Democrats.

Another BFA-backed bill headed to governor, provides civil immunity for self-defense for nonprofits

Another piece of legislation supported by Buckeye Firearms Association has passed both the Ohio House and Senate and is headed to the governor for his signature.

Senate Bill 32, sponsored by Sen. Tim Schaffer (R-Lancaster), provides civil immunity to a person who acts in self-defense and protects members and/or guests of a nonprofit under certain circumstances.

Once it takes effect, the new law:

  • Specifies that the immunities currently provided for nonprofit corporations for any of the following also apply to a for-profit corporation that leases its property to the nonprofit corporation or permits its property to be used by the nonprofit corporation for any purpose: Injury, death, or loss to person or property allegedly caused by or related to a concealed handgun licensee bringing a handgun onto the premises or to an event of the nonprofit corporation; injury, death, or loss to person or property allegedly caused by or related to a decision to permit a licensee to bring, or prohibit a licensee from bringing, a handgun onto the premises or to an event of the nonprofit corporation.
  • Generally grants civil immunity to a person for certain injuries allegedly caused by the person acting in self-defense or defense of another during the commission, or imminent commission, of an offense of violence to protect the members or guests of a nonprofit corporation under certain circumstances.
  • Specifies that a person who approaches or enters a nonprofit corporation’s premises or event with intent to commit an offense of violence is presumed liable for any injury, death, or loss to person or property resulting from an act of self-defense or defense of another against that person.

Earlier this month, the Ohio Senate voted to send amended Senate Bill 58 to Gov. Mike DeWine’s desk — legislation that would prohibit requiring firearm liability insurance or being required to pay a fee for the possession of a firearm, part of a firearm, its components, its ammunition, or a knife.

Senate Bill 148, which was amended into SB 58, prohibits financial institutions from tracking firearms purchases and to prohibit government entities from maintaining a registry of firearms or firearm owners.

Both SB 58, sponsored by Sens. Terry Johnson (R-McDermott) and Theresa Gavarone (R-Huron), and SB 148, sponsored by Sen. Terry Johnson, fight recent efforts by gun control advocates to make gun ownership more expensive and less private for law-abiding gun owners instead of cracking down on the actual criminal misuse of firearms.

BFA has supported all three bills since the beginning of the legislative session and has testified in both the House and Senate.

Buckeye Firearms Association thanks the House and Senate for passing these important bills and urges Gov. DeWine to sign them into law immediately. It is time to stop trying to punish and infringe the rights of ordinary, law-abiding gun owners for the acts of criminals.

Mate v. Westcott – FPC Law Challenge to Louisiana Non-Resident Carry Ban

LAKE CHARLES, La. (December 23, 2024) — Firearms Policy Coalition (FPC) announced Monday that it has filed a new federal lawsuit challenging Louisiana’s ban on firearm carry by non-residents. The complaint in Mate v. Westcott can be viewed at firearmspolicy.org/mate.

“Closing off nonresidents’ ability to obtain a carry license substantially infringes their constitutionally protected right to carry a firearm in public for self-defense,” the complaint says. “There is no well-established and representative historical tradition of restricting the ability to bear arms based on residency.”

“Peaceable people have a constitutionally protected right to carry firearms throughout the United States,” said FPC President Brandon Combs. “Second Amendment protected rights don’t end at a state’s border. This case is an important step towards achieving our goal of restoring the right to bear arms everywhere.”

The Mate v. Wescott case is part of FPC’s high-impact strategic litigation program, FPC Law, aimed at eliminating immoral laws and creating a world of maximal liberty. FPC is joined in the litigation by two FPC members. FPC thanks FPC Action Foundation for its strategic support of this FPC Law case.

ANALYSIS: Democrats Still Don’t Get Why They Have No 2A Credibility

By Dave Workman

Editor-in-Chief

Buried in a story appearing at the Cap Times, a Madison, Wisconsin-based news outlet, may be an inadvertent revelation about why Democrats—in Wisconsin and elsewhere—have lost all credibility when it comes to firearms and the Second Amendment.

The report quotes Democrat state Attorney General Josh Kaul, complaining about private gun sales between individuals, which is perfectly legal.

“Somebody can sell a gun out of the trunk of their car to a stranger right now,” Kaul tells the publication, “and there’s nothing that law enforcement can do if it’s a private sale, because those are not subjected to background checks.”

At this point, veteran gun rights activists and just about any gun owner who has seen his or her rights trampled on for years by lawmakers determined to make it appear they’re fighting crime, will respond with a loud, “Well, DUH! Criminals do that all the time even when existing law prohibits it. This is why they’re criminals. They don’t bother with the law.”

Yet Democrats like Kaul seem convinced ratcheting down on law-abiding citizens will somehow have an impact on criminals. The typical argument is, “Well, if it saves one life, it’s worth it.”

Gun control proponents are far less likely to use that same argument when a legally-armed citizen stops a crime in progress. When 22-year-old Elisjsha Dicken fatally shot a would-be mass killer at the Greenwood Mall in Indiana more than two years ago, the gun control crowd was typically silent. Dicken was hailed as a hero by mall management, the local police chief and other officials. But his act of public defense left anti-gunners with lockjaw.

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Federal Appeals Court Upholds Non-Violent Felon Gun Ban

The government can permanently disarm somebody convicted of non-violent felonies if their broader criminal history contains violent conduct, a federal appeals court has ruled.

On Monday, a three-judge panel for the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously rejected a Kentucky defendant’s as-applied challenge to his recent conviction for possessing a firearm as a felon. The panel ruled that even if a person is convicted of non-violent felonies, the totality of their criminal record can indicate “dangerousness” that permits disarmament under the Second Amendment.

“Morton’s criminal record demonstrates dangerousness, specifically that he has committed ‘violent’ crimes ‘against the person,’” Judge Rachel Bloomekatz wrote in US v. Morton. “So, his conviction is consistent with the Second Amendment as interpreted in Williams. Accordingly, § 922(g)(1) is constitutional as applied to him.”

The ruling stands out as the first time the Sixth Circuit has applied its unique standard for adjudicating challenges to the federal felony gun ban—by far the most common Second Amendment claim arising in the courts since the Supreme Court’s landmark Bruen decision. Other circuits have either issued blanket rulings upholding the federal ban as constitutional or struck it down in narrow applications without setting a generalized standard for evaluating other cases. But the Sixth Circuit crafted a standard that only convicted felons who are shown to be “dangerous” can be disarmed in an August ruling upholding the ban.

Monday’s panel was tasked with applying that new “dangerousness” test to Jaylin Morton.

Morton was arrested in 2022 on several outstanding warrants and was found to be in possession of multiple handguns. At the time of his arrest, he already had “at least six prior felony convictions.” Those included multiple convictions for possessing a firearm as a felon, evading the police, one for burglary, and one for intimidating a participant in a legal process. He also had multiple non-felony assault convictions, including one for a domestic-violence incident in which he “punched his then-girlfriend in the head.”

He was subsequently indicted for possessing a firearm as a felon, which he moved to challenge on the grounds that the Second Amendment does not permit disarming him because his prior felony convictions were for non-violent crimes.

Drawing on the Sixth Circuit’s earlier ruling from August, US v. Williams, Judge Bloomekatz said that the court’s controlling precedent recognizes constitutional applications of the lifetime felony gun ban for offenses that “strongly suggest dangerousness,” particularly “crimes against the person,” like murder and assault. Bloomekatz said Morton’s criminal conduct “undoubtedly” demonstrates he is violent.

“Among other offenses, Morton was previously convicted for wanton endangerment and possessing a firearm as a felon after he shot at his ex-girlfriend and her family, and then showed up at her house a few weeks later and verbally harassed her with a gun on his person,” she wrote. “On another occasion, Morton was convicted of assault resulting from a domestic-violence incident after he punched his then-girlfriend in the head during an argument.”

And though the domestic violence incident was not a felony that currently underlies his lifetime firearms ban, she said the court “may look at Morton’s whole criminal history in assessing dangerousness.”

“Moreover, we are not confined to the fact of conviction alone, but may consider how an offense was committed,” she wrote. “Accordingly, Morton’s convictions demonstrate his dangerousness, making § 922(g)(1) constitutional as applied to him.”

The decision adds to the growing divergence in how lower courts are handling the federal lifetime gun ban for felons. Even courts that have reached similar conclusions to one another have done so under a variety of approaches, which has resulted in a variety of enforcement standards for the most commonly charged federal gun statute.

In June, Department of Justice expressed concern over the growing divide and asked the Supreme Court to resolve the matter.

“The substantial costs of prolonging uncertainty about the statute’s constitutionality outweigh any benefits of further percolation,” US Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar said at the time.

However, the Court opted to sidestep the matter. Instead, it remanded half a dozen requested cases back down to the appellate system to be reconsidered in light of its most recent case law.

Even as many of those cases have returned with unchanged outcomes, the Court has not yet taken up one that would resolve the question.

Why, yes. Yes it is. And the ‘dilemma’ is goobermint’s


3D-printed guns: Is gun control in America really dead?

Luigi Mangione, the suspect in the shocking killing of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, made his first appearance in court on Tuesday. He was arrested after a McDonald’s employee recognised him and called the authorities, while he sat at a corner table wearing a blue face mask and stared into a laptop for hours. Amongst his belongings was found the 3D printed gun that he used to assassinate Brian Thompson. A ghost gun that was seen on the surveillance footage of the crime, that looked so unfamiliar that even police veterans were puzzled by it.

The “ghost gun” found on Mangione was capable of firing a 9mm round and had a suppressor, also known as a silencer, that muffles the sound of the gunshot.

Ghost guns are untraceable, most often self-assembled and can be put together with the help of a 3D printing machine and metal parts bought online in a matter of a few hours. They don’t have serial numbers which can make them almost impossible to track and regulate.

The United States of America, where gun laws have been a hotly contentious and angrily debated issue for decades now, is now faced with a new dilemma.

The Supremes have never been all that big on taking ‘interlocutory’ appeals, that is, the case hasn’t been heard and ruled on all the way through the lower courts.


Justice Thomas’s Statement Reaffirms Sword-Shield Dichotomy
“A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality as a defense ‘where a statute is invalid upon its face and an attempt is made to enforce its penalties in violation of constitutional right.'”

Today [the 9th] the Supreme Court denied cert in Wilson v. Hawaii, which I wrote about here. Justice Thomas wrote a statement respecting the denial of cert, joined by Justice Alito. The posture of the case is a bit unusual. The defendant was convicted of carrying a firearm without a license. At the time, Hawaii imposed a “may issue” conceal carry law. It turns out that Wilson had never applied for a carry permit. To challenge his conviction, the defendant argued that Hawaii’s carry law runs afoul of Bruen. However, the Hawaii Supreme Court held that he could not raise the Second Amendment as a defense against the carry regime. Justice Thomas explains:

There, the [state] court invoked state standing law to avoid any meaningful Second Amendment analysis. It held that, because Wilson had not applied for a license and had not been charged with violating the licensing statute itself (which was not a criminal statute), he lacked standing to challenge the particulars of the licensing regime. Id., at 12–13, 543 P. 3d, at 444–445. Instead, he could argue only that the Second Amendment categorically forbids state licensing regimes. Because that is not the case, the court held, Hawaii’s prohibitions on unlicensed carry “do not graze Wilson’s Second Amendment right.”

Justice Thomas explained why this approach is mistaken:

A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality as a defense “where a statute is invalid upon its face and an attempt is made to enforce its penalties in violation of constitutional right.” Smith v. Cahoon, 283 U. S. 553, 562 (1931). A “long line of precedent” confirms this point. See, e.g., City of Lakewood v. Plain Dealer Publishing Co., 486 U. S. 750, 755–757 (1988) (collecting cases).

Even though Wilson was not being prosecuted for violating the civil registration law, the defendant could still challenge the government’s enforcement action based on the unconstitutionality of the gun control law.

Here, the Defendant does not need any sort of cause of action to raise the unconstitutionality of the statute. The Constitution is being used as a “shield.”

However, Justice Thomas does not say that “A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality,” full stop. It can always be raised as a “defense” or a “shield.” But for the Constitution to be raised as a “sword” to seek affirmative relief, a cause of action is needed. Justice Thomas recognized this principle in last term in DeVillier v. Texas:

Constitutional rights do not typically come with a built-in cause of action to allow for private enforcement in courts. See Egbert v. Boule, 596 U. S. 482, 490–491 (2022). Instead, constitutional rights are generally invoked defensively in cases arising under other sources of law, or asserted offensively pursuant to an independent cause of action designed for that purpose, see, e.g., 42 U. S. C. §1983. (slip op. at 5.)

Wilson should have been able to invoke the Second Amendment defensively, but could only assert it offensively with a cause of action.

Justice Thomas continues to bring clarity to an area of that is often misunderstood.

For those interested in reading further, Seth Barrett Tillman and I discuss the sword-shield dichotomy in Sweeping and Forcing (pp. 389–404); see also Anderson v. Griswold, Colo., 543 P.3d 283, 348, 351 & n.7, 356 (Colo. Dec. 19, 2023) (Samour, J., dissenting) (citing Sweeping and Forcingsupra) (adopting the sword-shield dichotomy as basis for dismissing plaintiffs’ purported Section 3 action).

Should We Get Ready For a NFA Amnesty?

For the past several weeks, President Trump has been very busy naming his cabinet appointments.  One that is still uncertain is his choice to become the new BATFE Director. The current director, Steven Dettelbach, is a clueless anti-gun buffoon who can’t give congressmen a straight answer.  Many American gun owners are hopeful that DJT will appoint 07/02 FFL holder, gun designer, and pro-gun pundit Brandon Herrera as the new Director.  If that happens, it will surely inspire some boisterous celebration. In addition to his vows to slash the ATF’s budget and operations, Herrera has also promised to begin a series of National Firearms Act (NFA) registration amnesty periods.  There was a provision for tax-free amnesty periods written into the Gun Control Act of 1968. But thusfar, just one 30-day amnesty was held, back in 1968.  That amnesty was very poorly publicized, and not many gun owners took advantage of it.

Today, there are probably hundreds of thousands of unregistered full autos in the country. And there are parts in civilian hands to quickly make a million or more. What can I say, but: Americans just love to tinker.

Under the Hughes Amendment to the Firearms Owners Protection Act (FOPA) of 1986, the number of Federally transferable machineguns was arbitrarily frozen.  As of November 2006, the National Firearms Registration and Transfer Record (NFRTR) held registrations for 1,906,786 weapons. These included 1,186,138 destructive devices, 391,532 machine guns, 150,364 silencers, 95,699 short-barreled shotguns (SBSes), 33,518 short-barreled rifles (SBRs), and 48,443 weapons categorized as “any other weapons,” (AOWs.) Since then, the number of SBRs, SBSes, and suppressors has risen sharply, but the number of registered transferable machineguns has hardly changed at all.

Not only did the Hughes Amendment freeze cause the prices of full auto guns to inflate radically, it also left Americans with no opportunity to legally build and register any new $200 tax stamp machineguns. Many did so in defiance of the law, risking Federal felony prosecution. Most of those guns are kept very well hidden, mostly underground.

I am hopeful that Brandon Herrera will indeed become the new ATF Director.  And I am fully confident that he will keep his promise and consult with the new Attorney General to open at least one six-month-long amnesty period, with tax-free registration of machineguns, partly or fully-finished machinegun receivers, autosears, and other NFA-restricted items. Once that amnesty window opens, the clock will begin ticking.  So owners of semi-auto firearms who wish to become legal registered full-auto owners will have to get busy. They will need to either drill existing receivers or bring any unfinished receiver blanks or tubes up to a recognizable level of completion and apply serial numbers, so that they can be registered before the amnesty period expires.

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Good News and Bad News From Supreme Court on Monday

While there are a lot of good things gun rights advocates can celebrate, including at least four years of knowing that gun control won’t pass at the federal level unless something very strange happens, but that doesn’t mean everything is good news.

There are way too many anti-gun states still for that to be the case.

So, as a result of that, we need to use the courts to overturn some of these insane laws. Eventually, at least some of them need to go to the Supreme Court where, hopefully, the justices will slap the laws down and down hard.

And on that front, there’s some good news and some not-so-good news.

Let’s start with the good news.

The United States Supreme Court has set an official conference date of December 13 to decide if the High Court will hear Snope v. Brown, a case directly challenging Maryland’s assault weapon ban, addressing whether states can legally ban semi-automatic rifles such as the AR-15, commonly owned and used by law-abiding citizens. While some say this case has the potential to redefine the future of firearm legislation across the nation, the fact that arguments are so deeply rooted in precedent set by earlier landmark Second Amendment decisions such as District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) and New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen (2022) makes one wonder, haven’t we been here before?

It has been over a decade and a half since Heller affirmed that firearms “in common use” for lawful purposes cannot be banned, a principle further solidified just over two years ago when Bruen held that firearm laws must be consistent with the nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation, rejecting the use of “means-end” tests by future courts when evaluating firearm restrictions. These precedents are central, and one could say redundant, to the arguments outlined in Snope v. Brown, however, that has not stopped states like Maryland from enacting laws that fly in the face of previous SCOTUS rulings.

The truth is that Maryland and every other state with an assault weapon ban on the books needs to get over it. The mean-end testing that used to be applicable to gun control laws no longer applies, which is good because I don’t see how that wasn’t subjective as Hades.

Of course, this is really just the next step in a process that was already in motion and doesn’t necessarily mean all that much except that we’ll get a feel for where the justices will come down on this one. I’d like to say Bruen tells us exactly what happened, but then Rahimi suggested otherwise. In a few days, we’ll have some more to go on.

Hopefully, it’ll be clear that assault weapon bans’ days are numbered.

That’s the goodish news.

Now, the not-so-good.

The Supreme Court declined to intervene or overturn a Hawaii State Supreme Court decision that allowed the state to prosecute a man carrying a loaded pistol without a license.

Justices Clarence Thomas and Justice Samuel Alito criticized the Hawaii court’s ruling, but supported the U.S. Supreme Court’s move on technical grounds. Thomas wrote that the court should hear an “appropriate” case to “make clear that Americans are always free to invoke the Second Amendment as a defense against unconstitutional firearms-licensing schemes.”…

Thomas, writing Monday, said: “Had the Hawaii Supreme Court followed its duty to consider the merits of Wilson’s defense, the licensing scheme’s unconstitutionality should have been apparent.”

He noted that Wilson could ask the Supreme Court to review the case again — a view echoed by Justice Neil Gorsuch.

This is, of course, the “Aloha Spirit” case that stirred up so much hate and discontent.

The truth is that Hawaii’s licensing scheme is incredibly problematic, and rather than make the case that no, it really wasn’t, the judges there simply pretended that it doesn’t matter because their state’s history is somehow completely different from the rest of the nation’s. Granted, Hawaii wasn’t exactly one of the original 13 colonies or anything, but neither were most other states. Our nation’s founding predated and supersedes state history on matters of constitutional law and, frankly, I wish the justices had opted to hear it.

Cam should have more on this case later today.

In the meantime, though, the good news here–the reason I didn’t call it “bad news”–is that Wilson can kick off the process again, and at least two justices seem to want him to do just that. I hope he does and I hope gun rights groups through the nation help with that, because if Hawaii can get away with what’s on the books there, someone else is going to do it and argue it’s justified.

State Preemption Laws Hold Anti-Gunners In Check…For Now

Mentioned prominently in the second paragraph of a report in the Altoona, Pennsylvania Mirror about gun control in the Keystone State is the notation that 42 states have what is commonly known as a firearms preemption statute.

Such laws, which place sole authority for firearms regulations in the hands of state legislatures, are the most important roadblock to anti-gun local governments; blue cities in otherwise red or purple states. Possibly the best example of how local politicians dislike preemption laws is Seattle, Washington, where a string of liberal mayors including current Mayor Bruce Harrell, have lobbied the legislature to repeal the law. Not long after Harrell took office in early 2022, he complained that Washington was “one of a few” states with such statutes. He was immediately—and publicly—corrected by Alan Gottlieb, chairman of the Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms.

“Harrell and other anti-gunners would have us roll back the calendar to a time when a literal state of confusion existed in Washington,” Gottlieb said at the time. “Before preemption was wisely adopted by the State Legislature, we had a checkerboard of often conflicting local gun regulations. State lawmakers properly took control of this mess and cleaned it up with a single set of regulations that apply equally from the Canada border to the Columbia River.”

The same situation applies to Pennsylvania, and every other state where preemption laws provide uniformity from one state border to the other.

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“I ask sir, what is the militia?”

The Second Amendment of the Bill of Rights:

A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.1

The individual has a natural right to self-defense to bear arms to meet force with force. This natural right is inherent, and it transcends civil law. It has long been understood by those familiar with Natural Law of this right to bear arms for self-defense and of the duty of the militia to secure their free and independent State. It was also clear to such individuals as to who the militia was, is, and will be. George Mason clarified this when he said,

I ask sir, what is the militia? It is the whole people…To disarm the people is the best and most effectual way to enslave them.2

To better understand this natural right and the meaning behind the Second Amendment, one must also understand the role of the militia. The following was published in The New-Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle on July 5, 1771:

As no Nation or People can be secure from their Enemies and preserve their Independency without the Military Art, it must give Pleasure to every Friend to his County, and the British Nation, to see the present Revival of Military Discipline in this and the neighboring Colonies.

The only Way to have Peace, is to be always ready for War. If the Inhabitants of this Country should always have Virture and Wisdom enough to follow the noble Example of their illustrious Ancestors in training up every Man to the use of Arms, and keeping good Stores of Ammunition, they never need fear the united Force of all their Enemies.

According to the best Computation there are about half a Million of Men fit to bear arms in these Colonies; and the Number increasing so fast that it is supposed within twenty or thirty Years, British America will be able to raise a Million of Men fit to march into the Field of Battle!—If this vast Number should be properly trained to Arms, what Nation or Nations under the Sun would dare enter the List with America, or lift a Hand against her potent Sons!

As a well disciplined Militia is of such vast Importance to the Welfare of this Country, it is the indispensable Duty, and we hope it will be the constant Endeavour of every one to encourage and promote it. Military skill being a great Accomplishment for a Gentleman, as well as the Safeguard and Glory of a Nation, it is hoped that Gentlemen of Character and Fortune will read the Way in this useful Knowledge and Practice, and the lower Clases of People will be ambitions to follow their noble Example.

In this Way a Foundation may be laid for Peace and Tranquility in America to the End of Time. To make the Militia still more respectable, there should be a Major General and a Brigadier General in each Province—And as Musick adds greatly to the Beauty and Pleasure of Military Exercise, there should be other Instruments besides Drums, such as are in the Regular Regiments.

Standing Armies are a poor Defence against a Foreign Enemy, they are oftener the Destruction, then the Defence of a Nation. And it is a certain Evidence of a bad Government where a standing Army is kept up, either to support the Laws, or for a Defence against Enemies, for a wise Government will always make such Laws as are for the public Good, and good Laws want no Armies to support them.

A good Militia is the best Security against all Enemies, and the only Way for a Nation to become formidable and rise to Eminence and Glory.

ALEXANDER.3

 

1

The Avalon Project , “Constitution of the United States: Bill of Rights,” Yale.edu (Yale Law School: Lillian Goldman Law Library, 2020), https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/rights1.asp#2.

2

Congressional Record August 19, 1994-September 16, 1994Internet Archive, vol. 140 (Washington D.C.: Superintendent of Government Documents, 1994), 24095, https://archive.org/details/sim_congressional-record-proceedings-and-debates_august-19-1994-september-16-1994_140-redacted/page/24095/mode/1up?.

3

The New-Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle, Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. Of Congress, July 5, 1771, https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83025582/1771-07-05/ed-1/seq-3/.

Data Proves Conclusively That Those Who Carry Firearms Almost Never Commit Crimes.

When the landmark Bruen ruling was first published in June of 2022, politicians in the few remaining holdout states that didn’t issue concealed carry permits to regular citizens had a collective meltdown.

New York Governor Kathy Hochul called it “outrageous,” California Governor Gavin Newsom said it was a “radical decision,” and New Jersey Attorney General Matthew Platkin described it as “bad constitutional law and even worse for public safety.”

Gun control groups were also apoplectic. Giffords claimed the ruling would would “escalate gun violence,” “spur unlawful militia activity,” “embolden those inclined to vigilante justice,” “increase violence at protests,” and cause “more domestic violence and hate crimes.”

Antigun groups like Giffords, which now argue in court that Bruen allows all their favored gun control laws, thoroughly condemned the ruling when it was published.

Antigun politicians, acting with an urgency they don’t seem to have for real problems like rampant retail theft and homelessness, passed laws in five states that made concealed carry permits pointless by banning carry at almost every relevant public place. Those laws immediately faced lawsuits (including the one CRPA is working on challenging California’s law), and all are partially enjoined to varying degrees as the litigation proceeds.

Yet something funny happened after 2022. Instead of the proverbial “blood in the streets” that was predicted, the national homicide rate dropped. This happened everywhere; in the antigun states forced to issue carry permits for the first time, in pro-gun states like Ohio and Florida which went further and adopted “constitutional carry” (meaning no permit is required to carry a gun if you can legally own one), and even in individual cities like Philadelphia that began issuing permits more liberally as a result of the litigation.

Philadelphia’s homicides are falling sharply as the lockdown-era crimewave recedes. Source: https://www.phillypolice.com/crimestats

Miami even had its lowest year for homicides since it began keeping track of them in the 1940s. So why were the antigun politicians and their allies in the gun control industry so hilariously wrong? Why didn’t every argument turn into a shootout? Why didn’t our homicide rate spike?

In short: because Americans with concealed carry permits almost never commit crimes.

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