One Common Link for Mass Killings Should be Eliminated, and It’s Good for Gun Rights, Too

It’s darkly humorous to me how often anti-Second Amendment types see some kind of gun control law as the ultimate solution to everything. They pretend that this law will stop mass shootings, regular murders, suicides, domestic violence, type 2 diabetes, conflict in the Middle East, and Christmas’s encroachment into the rest of the year.

It’s funny how often they try that crap, and how often the media pretends they’re hearing BS and mistaking it for brilliance.

But there is one little change that could be made that would reduce a whole lot of problems. I’m honest enough to say it won’t make them all go away, but it’ll help reduce a lot, including mass shootings.

It’s pretty simple, really. End gun-free zones.

In their manifestos, many mass murderers have explicitly said they looked for targets that had disarmed victims in them. Nevertheless, mainstream-media outlets often leave this fact out.

The Annunciation Catholic School murderer wrote: “I recently heard a rumor that … the Aurora theater shooter, may have chosen venues that were ‘gun-free zones.’ I would probably aim the same way … .”

Yeah, this is pretty common. Mass killers have often picked gun-free zones for their rampages. That’s part of why schools are such popular targets. It’s why churches are popular targets. A lot of shopping malls are gun-free zones, and those are pretty popular with this bunch, too.

And look what happens when someone has a gun in one of these places that’s traditionally gun-free?

The Greenwood Park Mall shooting ended with an armed citizen becoming something of a legend in shooting circles. He put down the bad guy in impressive fashion.

Yet he wasn’t quite as impressive as Jack Wilson, who put down a would-be mass killer before the little bastard knew what hit him with a headshot that limited the horrific incident to just a few seconds at a church in White Settlement, Texas.

Guns save lives.

Gun-free zones are a primary target for would-be killers, and it’s not just mass killers, either. More pedestrian criminals have no respect for the signs on the door. Hell, if they’re going to prance around armed even though they can’t legally have a firearm at all, do you really think a sign will stop them? Of course not.

Look, making gun-free zones disappear won’t make all of society’s problems vanish in an instant. Unlike the other side of this debate, I’m not delusional.

But I can say that it’ll go a long way in reducing the threat to some of the places where people are the most vulnerable. What’s more, it means we’ll have more cases like White Settlement and Greenwood Park Mall, at the very least, and it might…encourage some people to look for another way to achieve fame or infamy, whichever they’re after.

Guns aren’t the problem. They’ve never been the problem. They’re tools; tools with no volition of their own. They serve their masters regardless of whether that master is a hero or a villain.

So let’s stop treating them like they are and start empowering the heroes instead of making it easier for the villains.

Alabama Gets “F” From Anti-Gun Organization. Let’s Examine Why That’s A Compliment

Some anti-gun politicians tout their “F” grade from the NRA with a certain amount of pride.

That’s fine, because the NRA isn’t doing it for the benefit of people who will see that as a mark of respect. Their grades for politicians is really just a tool for passing along who tends to be pro-gun and who isn’t as a means to help folks who might not know. Not everyone can know every politician in Congress, even those of us who work in politics are hard-pressed to know even most members of the House and Senate, much less all of them.

But what about an organization like Giffords?

No, they’re not trying to help individuals. They’re trying to guilt states into working toward a better grade, and they’re doing it by using allies in the media to pretend the grade means more than it actually does.

For example, Alabama just got a big, old “F” from them, and AL.com is all a-twitter about it.

Alabama continues to have some of the worst gun laws and rates of gun death in the country, according to an annual report from GIFFORDS Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence.

The report ranked Alabama at 36 out of all 50 states in terms of its gun law strength resulting in an F on the overall scorecard, maintaining the same grade from 2024….

Scorecards are determined after experts analyze the gun laws of each individual state and assess how effective they are at reducing gun violence, the report says.

“Gun violence is the leading cause of death for children and young people in the United States — an unacceptable reality. Our country can do so much better,” GIFFORDS Executive Director Emma Brown said. “Alabama has some of the weakest gun laws in the country, earning an F on GIFFORDS Law Center’s Annual Gun Law Scorecard. It’s time for leaders in Alabama to step up and act to address this crisis.

Except that the laws in question aren’t any with compelling evidence of them working. In fact, literally none have been found to have really great evidence of being effective. The left-leaning RAND has admitted as much in its annual reports of gun control studies. There are a few that have some degree of evidence, but none are compelling.

Instead, Giffords does essentially what the NRA does. It makes its ranks based exclusively on how much a state toes the line with its agenda. States that pass Giffords’ priorities get higher grades than states that don’t.

Which is fine, of course, if that’s what they want to do.

However, it has absolutely nothing at all to do with the effectiveness of a given measure.

While Giffords at least makes an attempt at showing a trend for weaker gun laws leading to higher “gun death” rates, what they don’t show is that they don’t even try to account for any other potential factors. It’s a pure attempt at correlation, which uses a trend so as to exclude outliers as mere inconveniences.

So Alabama getting an “F” isn’t a terrible thing.

In fact, it means the state is respecting the Second Amendment, something that Giffords cannot and will not ever try to comprehend. The fact that the founders both swore oaths to defend the Constitution, then immediately turned against it tells us an awful lot about just how meaningless anything they say actually is.

Crime Prevention Research Center Releases New CCW Data

The Crime Prevention Research Center has released its annual report on concealed carry in the U.S.

By Dave Workman

Editor-in-Chief

The Crime Prevention Research Center (CPRC) has just released its 2025 Concealed Carry report, and while the numbers are down, the figure is deceiving because of the increase of permitless (“constitutional”) carry in 29 states.

The report acknowledges the number of permit holders fell by 0.59 million, for an estimated total of 20.88 million citizens who are licensed to carry. But the CPRC quickly notes, “The primary reason for the decrease is that permit numbers tend to drop gradually in Constitutional Carry states, even though it is evident that more people are legally carrying.”

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Analysis: What to Make of New DOJ Second Amendment Section

The Department of Justice (DOJ) has announced plans to create the first-ever dedicated Second Amendment section within the agency’s Civil Rights Division. But thus far, the agency hasn’t been too eager to talk about it, and the reported rollout date for the new section to begin operations has already come and gone without any movement.
Officials from the DOJ only publicly confirmed the existence of the planned section for the first time on Friday night after more than a week of media reports.
“The 2nd Amendment is not a second-class right. After the prior administration’s campaign to infringe on Americans’ gun rights, the Justice Department is strongly committed to undoing the damage,” Attorney General Pam Bondi (R.) wrote in a social media post. “This unit within our Civil Rights Division will advance President Trump’s pro-2nd Amendment agenda and protect the right to bear arms for all.”
Details about the move were first reported by Reuters last week, though the plans for the new entity appear to have been months in the making. In a September interview with an alumni publication for her alma mater, Assistant Attorney General and leader of the DOJ’s Civil Rights Division Harmeet Dhillon announced that plans for the new section were already in the works as early as this summer.
According to planning documents provided to Congress and obtained by Reuters, the proposed new section would be tasked primarily with “investigating local laws or policies limiting gun rights,” and it would carry out that work “using existing funds and personnel.” The documents also identified December 4th as the new section’s expected opening date.
However, the DOJ has yet to formally announce the new section beyond Bondi’s social media post, and it remains absent from the Civil Rights Division’s organization page.
The DOJ also has not responded to The Reload’s requests for comment on details about the new division.

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Psychology Today Thinks Answer to Suicides is Gun Control Not, You Know, Psychology

Psychology is a fascinating subject to me. Understanding how the human mind works is something that I think is of the utmost importance, and we need to devote a lot of resources toward that. The fact that there’s a replication crisis in psychology isn’t evidence that the study should be abandoned, in my mind, but that we need to figure out what the problem is so we can get stuff right.

But psychology has more problems than being unable to replicate studies.

It seems at least some psychologists think that psychology isn’t all that useful in preventing things like suicides, apparently.

So, where does all this leave people in the U.S.? Do we continue to accept an increasing number of firearm suicides, homicides, and mass shootings as the cost of living—and dying—in America?

We don’t have to. Several steps can be taken to reduce gun violence in this country, particularly gun suicides. One is universal background checks. Another is implementing a 10-day waiting period to buy a firearm. A third is enacting “red-flag” laws that enable police and immediate family members to remove guns from people who pose a threat to themselves or to others. A fourth is requiring gun owners to store their weapons safely. A fifth is banning the sale of high-caliber assault weapons.

None of these takes away the existing weapons of responsible gun owners or prevents them from buying more handguns and rifles. None infringes on their rights to protect themselves, to hunt, or to shoot recreationally. Their purpose is to ensure that firearms are used safely, the same way that traffic codes exist for drivers to operate motor vehicles safely. Is that too much to ask?

Let’s look at the last paragraph first. That argument, such as it is, looks familiar. “We’re going to ban you from buying certain things, throw in a bunch of hoops and red tape, and make it as hard as possible for you to buy or own a gun, but we’re not infringing on your rights.”

But look at the second paragraph for a moment. Especially where it says, “Several steps can be taken to reduce gun violence in this country, particularly gun suicides. One is universal background checks.”

So, to prevent suicides, instead of psychologists doing their jobs, we should have universal background checks that wouldn’t do anything at all to reduce suicides? Seriously?

Now, I think I get what the author, John Bateson, is trying to get at when he follows that up with a 10-day waiting period. If you have a universal background check law, then people would be forced to wait the 10 days, no matter who they buy the gun from. But that’s me having to guess as to where he sees the relationship. He sure as hell did lay it out for anyone.

And I’d like to point out that every study I’ve seen on waiting periods impacting suicides has focused exclusively on “gun suicides.” They’ve never looked at the impact of waiting periods in comparison to the overall suicide rate. If 100 people kill themselves in Year A, 50 of whom use a gun, and in Year B, only 25 use a firearm, it’s not exactly an improvement if 105 people commit suicide.

They never look at that. I wonder why?

Before getting to this bit, Bateson outlines the response to mass shootings in countries like the UK and Australia, but he fails to note that all of them keep having mass shootings. While they might not be on the scale of something like Port Arthur, nothing before then was on that scale, either. The status quo being maintained after an outlier is far from proof that the gun laws work.

What really gets me is that psychology is the one science that has a chance of not just reducing suicides of all causes, but any mass murder as well. They’ll never eliminate them–nothing will, unfortunately–but they could reduce them significantly. Only, instead of doing that, they’re pretending the issue is that the gun laws aren’t strict enough.

This is why academia has such little trust these days. Instead of actually looking at their wheelhouse and focusing one what they can do within that context, they want to infringe on our rights and use their appeal to authority to try and facilitate that.

No wonder they can’t figure out why they’re unable to replicate any of their studies. That would require effort.

‘nonpartisan’
My opinion is that anything concerning the 2nd amendment can not be ‘nonpartisan’. There is no middle ground when it comes (as Justice Thomas called it) the unqualified statement: “SHALL NOT BE INFRINGED”
I’d like to see the actual curriculum that is going to be taught. That being said, two of the three directors, Ashley Hlebinsky and David Kopel are well known for their pro-RKBA stances.


Dept. of Education to fund nonpartisan 2nd Amendment high school curriculum

The U.S. Department of Education has awarded the University of Wyoming nearly $1 million to develop what the college calls a “historically grounded” school curriculum on the Second Amendment. The university’s Firearms Research Center said the initiative will give educators nationwide tools to better understand the constitutional right to bear arms.

The two-year, $908,991 grant stems from the department’s American History and Civics Education Program tied to the country’s 250th anniversary celebrations. In September, President Donald Trump redirected $137 million to the program that’s directed by what The New York Times called organizations “closely aligned with the president’s Make America Great Again movement.”

The National Second Amendment Initiative’s aim is to give teachers sources, instructional videos and access to academics that the university said come from various perspectives on the lightning rod issue of firearms in America.

“Our project will honor the nation’s 250th anniversary by allowing educators to engage with the complexity and nuance of the country’s founding documents,” Ashley Hlebinsky, executive director of the Firearms Research Center, said in a release.

Because it’s not named as a role of the federal government in the Constitution, the Department of Education cannot force the curriculum on school districts. The restriction is also described in the 1979 law establishing the department. It can only ensure schools are obeying federal education laws like the Civil Rights Act and conduct the National Assessment of Educational Progress.

Why Wyoming?

While the U.S. has myriad schools focusing on constitutional law, colleges and universities with a specific focus on the Second Amendment are far and few between. Beyond Wyoming, Duke University’s Duke Center for Firearms Law is one of the only major collegiate programs that focuses on firearms law, but not from a gun violence prevention perspective.

Wyoming’s law school positions itself as the “premier law school for practitioners who serve the legal needs of all those who produce, employ, own, and regulate firearms.”

What happens in the classroom?

While the federal government cannot dictate curriculum and states set broad educational requirements, the teacher still controls the classroom.

The National Education Association, the country’s largest teacher union, has long been outspoken on its advocacy for gun control laws.

In an issues section of the union’s website, the association focuses on school violence due to the country’s proliferation of firearms and advocates for laws that would place restrictions on gun possession and locations where they can be carried.

The union did not respond to a request for comment.

“technology changes, rights don’t”

Where’s My EMP Rifle? Why Tomorrow’s Anti-Robot Weapons Are Already Protected by the 2nd Amendment

If Elon Musk gets his way, Tesla’s Optimus robots and full-self-driving cars aren’t just sci-fi—they’re the next multi-trillion-dollar industry.

Musk is openly talking about humanoid robots doing factory work, replacing human labor, and rolling out in the thousands in the next few years. (The Times of India)

Put that together with weaponized drones, autonomous systems, and AI everywhere, and you can see where this goes: at some point, the threat to you and your family may not be a human attacker at all, but a machine—whether it’s criminal misuse of robots, hostile code, or a rogue state’s toys.

So here’s the obvious question almost nobody in the gun-control world wants to touch:

If the Supreme Court says the Second Amendment covers “all instruments that constitute bearable arms, even those that were not in existence at the time of the founding,” why wouldn’t a future EMP rifle or anti-robot weapon be protected? (Justia Law)

If the right to keep and bear arms is tech-neutral, then the logic of HellerMcDonaldCaetano, and Bruen doesn’t stop with muskets, Glocks, and AR-15s. It runs straight into the age of Tesla robots and directed-energy weapons.

Lets makes that case—and swat down the usual anti-gun talking points on the way.

The Supreme Court Already Answered The “But It Didn’t Exist In 1791!” Argument

The anti-gun side’s favorite dodge is simple: “If it didn’t exist when the Founders wrote the Second Amendment, it’s not protected.”

The Supreme Court has already burned that argument to the ground—twice.

In District of Columbia v. Heller (2008), the Court went back to founding-era dictionaries to define “arms” and found they meant “weapons of offence, or armour of defence” and “any thing that a man wears for his defence, or takes into his hands, or useth in wrath to cast at or strike another.” (Teaching American History)

That definition isn’t about flintlocks or bayonets. It’s about function: offensive or defensive weapons you can carry.

Then in Caetano v. Massachusetts (2016), the Court took the next step and hammered it home:

“The Court has held that ‘the Second Amendment extends, prima facie, to all instruments that constitute bearable arms, even those that were not in existence at the time of the founding.’” (Justia Law)

That’s not vague. That’s not soft. That’s a straight-up rule:

  • If it’s a bearable arm—a carried weapon for offense or defense—
  • It’s presumptively protected by the Second Amendment.

Stun guns weren’t around in 1791. The Court said: Doesn’t matter. They’re arms.

So, if tomorrow there’s a shoulder-fired EMP rifle or some compact anti-robot beam weapon you sling like a carbine, it fits the same box:

  • Bearable? Yes.
  • Weapon? Yes.
  • In existence in 1791? Irrelevant under Heller and Caetano.

On text alone, that future tech starts in the protected column.

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NSSF Happy with DOJ’s Moves to Protect Gun Rights

A lot of people are displeased with the Department of Justice.
[Yours truly here among them!]

They see mixed signals from an administration that vowed to be strong on gun rights. They see them because they’re present. The DOJ will defend gun rights one day, and oppose them the next. It’s kind of causing a certain degree of whiplash.

But as I noted on Tuesday at the above link, purity was probably never going to happen.

For what it’s worth, though, Larry Keane of the NSSF is pretty happy with what’s happening overall.

President Donald Trump signed his Presidential Executive Order Protecting Second Amendment Rights back on February 7, 2025, instructing U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi to review all presidential and agency actions taken between January 2021 and January 2025 that “purport to promote safety” but infringed on the rights of law-abiding citizens. That includes rules issued by the DOJ and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), classifications of firearms and ammunition, regulatory enforcement policies and even reports issued by the former taxpayer-funded White House Office of Gun Violence Prevention that just pushed gun control.

In other words, for the first time, the Civil Rights Division is directed to treat the Second Amendment as what it is: a civil right deserving active protection, not a second-class right that must constantly give way to regulatory experimentation.

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Women for Gun Rights Applauds Creation of New Second Amendment Rights Section

Women for Gun Rights applauds the U.S. Department of Justice’s creation of a new Second Amendment Rights Section within the Civil Rights Division, marking a historic step to protect the constitutional rights of law-abiding gun owners and elevate the importance of firearms freedom at the federal level.

This is the first time the federal government has established a dedicated unit focused on protecting, not restricting, the Second Amendment. For millions of women across America – mothers, professionals, survivors, and first-time gun owners – this represents a welcome shift.

“This is a tremendous moment for the millions of Americans who choose to exercise their right to protect themselves and their families,” said Dianna Muller, Founder of Women for Gun Rights. “For too long, federal agencies have been used to advance gun-control agendas. The creation of a Second Amendment Rights Section signals that our rights are civil rights, and they deserve to be defended at the highest levels of government.”

Prior to President Trump’s inauguration in January, Women for Gun Rights called on the incoming administration to repurpose the Office of Gun Violence Prevention, which poured over $1 billion dollars into the states to advance gun control legislation, toward firearms safety, education, independent research and empowerment.

“This new section is a strong step toward restoring balance, reaffirming constitutional freedoms, and ensuring the federal government upholds the rights of law-abiding Americans,” Muller added.

About Women for Gun Rights

Women for Gun Rights is a nationwide organization of women committed to safeguarding the Second Amendment. A non-partisan initiative of daughters, mothers, and sisters that believes education is the key to firearm safety and violence prevention, not legislation.

Learn more at www.WomenForGunRights.org.

Erika Kirk Takes Second Amendment Stance While Addressing Husband’s Death

Turning Point USA CEO Erika Kirk insisted that the assassination of her husband, Charlie Kirk, was “not a gun problem” as she reaffirmed her support of the Second Amendment during the New York Times‘ Dealbook Conference on Wednesday (December 3).

The widow, who took over the role previously held by her husband, Turning Point USA’s co-founder, after his death in September, instead shifted blame to mental health and divisive politics.

“What I’ve realized through all of this is that you can have individuals that will always resort to violence. And what I’m afraid of is that we are living in a day and age where they think violence is the solution to them not wanting to hear a different point of view,” she said. “That’s not a gun problem, that’s a human — deeply human — problem. That is a soul problem, that is a mental… that is a very deeper issue.”

Kirk added that she’d continue to support the right to bear arms even after the shooting that killed her husband.

“I wouldn’t wish upon anyone what I have been through, and I support the Second Amendment as well,” she added.

Kirk also addressed her decision to forgive the suspected shooter in her husband’s death, which took place during a public Turning Point USA event on the Utah Valley University campus on September 10.

“I don’t expect everyone to understand,” Kirk said.

“It’s not because you’re weak, it’s not because you think what the assassin did was correct,” she continued. “That’s the exact opposite. Forgiveness is… for those of you who’ve been wronged, you know what it feels like to forgive someone. And in a way, where it frees you from a poison, and it frees you to be able to think clearly and have a moment where your heart is free and you’re not bound to evil.”

Narrative Fail: Crime’s Down in Seattle as More People Own and Carry Guns.

News outlets in Seattle, Washington have been reporting a decline in gun-related violence this year in surrounding King County, but the announcement overlooks a significant fact which unintentionally derails one of the greatest gun control myths of all time, that more guns equal more violent crime.

The Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms, whose national headquarters is in King County, notes this crime decline has happened while the number of active concealed pistol licenses in the county has climbed. It is actually following a national trend, as crime has dropped around the country while gun ownership nationally has increased.

CCRKBA Chairman Alan Gottlieb noted the irony of these declining crime reports when balanced against the rise in gun ownership and concealed carry, not just locally, but around the country.

“For decades,” he observed, “we have seen one gun control myth after another used as excuses to restrict our Second Amendment rights. Yet here we are, when those rights are being gradually restored thanks to strategic court victories, when 29 states have adopted permitless carry laws, when more people own guns and more people are legally carrying them for personal protection, and the data shows violent crime involving guns is declining. Looks like we’ve been right all along, and the establishment media essentially is confirming it.”

For King County—Washington’s most populous and most liberal—it is simply a matter of math, Gottlieb said. August ended with 114,826 active carry licenses in the county, and September finished with 115,363 CPLs in circulation. October finished with 115,457 licenses. Nationally, the Crime Prevention Research Center estimates more than 21 million citizens are licensed to carry, and there are even more legally-armed citizens in the 29 states where no permit is required, who are carrying without a “government permission slip.”

“Gun sales are continuing steady,” Gottlieb added, “which is not surprising, considering reports of police manpower declines in many jurisdictions. In Seattle, there have been two high-profile incidents where legally armed citizens stopped criminals in their tracks this year. Around the country, people are fighting back. Maybe the criminal element is beginning to get the message.

“We’re delighted violent crime is on the decline while gun ownership is on the rise,” he said. “It demonstrates that responsible armed citizens are not part of the problem, but are part of the solution.”

The “Seditious Six” — A Long History of Gun Control Efforts, Now Trying to Foment Treason

The group of six Democratic lawmakers (all with military or national-security backgrounds) — now widely dubbed the “Seditious Six” — are attempting to cloak themselves in constitutional righteousness.

In a highly politicized video, they urged U.S. service members to “refuse illegal orders,” a message so ambiguous and inflammatory that the Pentagon launched a formal misconduct investigation into Sen. Mark Kelly.

Their “constitutional” posturing now is not an isolated event. It is the latest escalation in a long, coordinated effort to weaken the Second Amendment while hiding behind military credentials and patriotic language.

Here’s the breakdown.

The Shared Agenda: Every Major Gun-Control Proposal, Straight Down the Line

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Trigger warning: Immigrants, armed and American

It was a revolver, handed to her at a Pennsylvania range after years of quiet fascination — years spent in Brazil, where guns were the domain of criminals, police, or politicians, often overlapping categories. “It was like the forbidden fruit,” she said. “In Brazil, very few people own guns, legally. And I was just … drawn to them.”
She squeezed the trigger, heard the crack, felt the recoil — and then asked to try the next one. And the next.
“Love at first shot,” she said, laughing. “I became completely addicted.”
Soon she was shooting weekly, working at a gun shop, and entering competitions. Today, Andrejczyk is a certified instructor, a divorced mother of two, and the self-proclaimed “Gun Evangelist.”
Stereotypes paint gun culture as America’s most insular tribe: old, white, rural, passing their weapons from one generation to the next. Yet some of its newest recruits are immigrants — from countries where weapons belonged only to criminals or the state, now claiming America’s most contested freedom as their own.

The ‘Gun Evangelist’

Andrejczyk grew up in Vitória da Conquista, one of Brazil’s most violent cities. “Brazil is lawless,” she told me when we met at Tanner’s Sports Center, the suburban Philadelphia gun shop where she works. When her parents’ store was robbed in broad daylight, the police never came. “They’re underpaid, corrupt. If they do show up, they twist the story and take money from you. Most people don’t even bother.”
Nayara Andrejczyk. (Photo by Daniel Allott)
Nayara Andrejczyk. (Photo by Daniel Allott)
Her father, a soldier, kept a shotgun hidden in a closet. She never touched it, but it left a mark. “The right to self-defense is paramount,” she said. “And we didn’t have it.”

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Supreme Court Denies Challenge to Illegal Alien Gun Ban

The Supreme Court has turned away a challenge to the federal statute prohibiting illegal aliens from possessing firearms, but did not take action on two other cert petitions dealing with gun bans for those convicted of crimes punishable by more than a year in prison.

The Court denied cert, without comment, to Carbajal-Flores v. United States in its orders list released on Monday morning. That case, along with Vincent v. Bondi and Duarte v. U.S., were all heard during the justice’s conference last Thursday.In Carbajal-Flores, the Court was asked to consider whether 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(5)(A), which prohibits firearm possession by all “unlawfully present noncitizens”, was unconstitutional in all respects or, if not, whether the “government must demonstrate that the individual is dangerous before disarmament is permissible.”

The case involved Heriberto Carbajal-Flores, a resident of Chicago who is now a lawful permanent resident, but was apparently not at the time he was arrested for illegally carrying a gun during what his attorneys called “an infamous night of unrestin Chicago after the murder of George Floyd in 2020.”

Though a district court found that Carbajal-Flores “presented none of the indicia of ‘dangerousness’ or disloyalty historically associated with disarmament,” the federal government appealed and the Seventh Circuit overturned the initial ruling. Carbajal-Flores then appealed to the Supreme Court, but now that his case has been rejected prosecutors are free to go after him once more.

Carbajal-Flores’ attorney had argued that there’s a circuit court split on as applied challenges to 922(g)(5)(A), with the Fifth Circuit and Eighth Circuit allowing for individualized review regarding someone’s dangerousness and whether unlawfully present noncitizens fall within “the people” protected by the Second Amendment. Despite that, the Court appears willing to let those circuit court splits develop, even if it means defendants in the Seventh Circuit can’t raise an as-applied challenge to their cases going forward.

Meanwhile, the justices took no action on a pair of cases dealing with a different section on 922(g). Vincent v. Bondi and Duarte v. U.S. both challenge 922(g)(1)’s prohibition on gun ownership for anyone convicted of a crime punishable by more than a year in prison. There are multiple disagreements in the appellate courts over whether that statute is facially constitutional or whether it requires and individualized finding of dangerousness, but the justices are also considering a similar question in the Hemani case, which challenges 922(g)(3)’s prohibition on “unlawful” drug users possessing firearms.

It’s possible, if not likely, that SCOTUS will keep Vincent and Duarte on ice until after Hemani has been decided, and then remand the cases back to the lower courts for a do-over in light of what the Hemani opinion says. The DOJ has encouraged the Supreme Court to simply deny cert to both cases, arguing that Melynda Vincent and Stephen Duarte can apply to the Attorney General to have their rights restored once a proposed rule on rights restoration takes effect, and it’s also possible that the Court will keep ahold of those cases until that rule is officially in place.

The Court won’t hold its weekly conference this week because of the Thanksgiving holiday, but it’s slated to consider several hugely important cases at its December 5 conference; Duncan v. Bonta and Gator’s Custom Guns v. Washington, which deal with state-level bans on commonly owned “large capacity” magazines, and Viramontes v. Cook County, a challenge to the ban on so-called assault weapons put in place by Democrats in Cook County, Illinois. The Court could also re-list Vincent and Duarte for next week’s conference along with several other cases dealing with gun bans for under-21s that have previously been considered in conference but have received no action from the justices.

There are already two Second Amendment cases that will be addressed this term; the Hemani case that I previously mentioned and Wolford v. Lopez, which is a challenge to Hawaii’s default carry ban on all private property. Given the circuit court splits involved in both the under-21 and 922(g)(1) cases, as well as the fundamental importance of addressing bans on commonly owned magazines and firearms, I’m hopeful that we’ll see SCOTUS greenlight at least three others, but the odds of that happening are honestly pretty low.

New York’s Assault on the NRA — and Free Speech — Gets a Court Bailout

In 2017, under the direction of then-Governor Andrew Cuomo, the state of New York launched a coordinated campaign to cripple the National Rifle Association (NRA) because of its defense of the Second Amendment and protected speech. New York’s Department of Financial Services contacted banks and insurance companies that did business with the NRA and delivered an unmistakable message: Continue associating with the NRA, and the state would investigate, cite, and regulate your business into oblivion. Coming from the state’s top financial regulator, the warning carried real weight – exactly as intended.

The strategy worked. Financial institutions and insurers quickly distanced themselves from the NRA, leaving the organization unable to secure even basic corporate services in the state. If that sounds like an obvious First Amendment violation, that’s because it is. More than 60 years ago, the Supreme Court made clear in Bantam Books v. Sullivan that government “threat[s] of invoking legal sanctions and other means of coercion” against third parties to suppress disfavored speech are flatly unconstitutional.

Because that rule remains as clear today as it was in 1963, the Supreme Court agreed with the ACLJ’s amicus brief and ruled unanimously for the NRA last term. Justice Sotomayor, writing for the Court, put it plainly: “A government official cannot coerce a private party to punish or suppress disfavored speech on her behalf.” When regulators use the power of their office to pressure private actors into isolating or punishing a speaker, they violate the First Amendment just as surely as if they had censored the speech directly.

This case sits squarely at the intersection of the First and Second Amendments. The NRA’s policy views related to the Second Amendment, its speech, its advocacy, and its expression are all protected by the First Amendment. A government that can strangle a gun-rights group through financial coercion can use the same tools to silence pro-life organizations, religious ministries, parental-rights groups, or anyone else who falls out of political favor. That is why the ACLJ fights not just for the substance of constitutional rights, but also against government efforts to punish those who speak about them.

That unanimous ruling should have ended the matter. It should have allowed the NRA’s lawsuit to proceed so a jury could determine the full extent of the constitutional violations. But the Second Circuit had other ideas. In defiance of both the Supreme Court’s clear command and the First Amendment itself, the court held that New York’s officials were entitled to qualified immunity – meaning the case had to be dismissed.

Qualified Immunity Was Never Meant to Shield Deliberate Speech Suppression

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Courts Broadly Interpret the 1st Amendment, While Hypocritically Limiting the 2nd Amendment – FourG

While judges act like their restrictive interpretation of the Second Amendment is in accordance with constitutional law, they hypocritically don’t apply the same narrow interpretation to the First Amendment. Courts read the First Amendment to create a presumptive immunity for expression, striking down regulations unless they survive the most stringent review. The First Amendment has always been broadly interpreted.

In contrast, the Second Amendment (even after the landmark District of Columbia v. Heller case in 2008 expanded it beyond a collective right to an individual one) has been treated as a limited individual right hedged by presumptively valid police-power regulations. And after Heller, the courts have continued chipping away at the Second Amendment.

Both amendments make it very clear they cannot be regulated away. The First Amendment states in part, “Congress shall make no law…abridging the freedom of speech.” The Second Amendment provides, “the right…to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” So why is one treated as if it comes with caveats but not the other?

The Supreme Court applies a rigorous standard of review to the First Amendment, strict scrutiny for content-based restrictions, which requires the government to demonstrate a compelling interest that is narrowly tailored. This is the highest level of scrutiny, and most restrictions fail the test. Laws regulating the First Amendment are presumed unconstitutional unless they have the narrowest possible tailoring — time, place and manner restrictions must be content neutral.

In contrast, longstanding regulations are presumed lawful when interpreting the Second Amendment. There is no requirement that time, place and manner restrictions be content neutral. Even in Heller, the court stated that “dangerous and unusual” weapons could be banned, and firearms could be banned in “sensitive places” such as schools and government buildings.

Instead of applying strict scrutiny to firearms regulations — which would invalidate almost all firearms regulations — lower courts after Heller developed a two-step test: assessing if a law burdens core protected conduct, then applying intermediate scrutiny. This requires an important governmental objective, such as public safety or reducing gun violence, and a reasonable fit between the law and the objective, which doesn’t need to be the least restrictive means.

In a recent case from 2022, New York State Rifle & Pistol Association, Inc. v. Bruen, the Supreme Court backed off from the lower courts’ two-step test, replacing the second step with requiring that the government show how the regulations are “consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.” Ruling that a state law which required a reason to obtain a concealed weapons permit was unconstitutional, the court said bans on assault weapons or large-capacity magazines were acceptable if analogized to historical limits, and the court allowed red-flag laws, mental-health prohibitions and domestic-violence restraints.

Courts have upheld laws that impose a 10-round magazine limit, safe-storage mandate, 5-day waiting periods and restricting someone with a stalking conviction from owning a firearm.

The Supreme Court unanimously held in the 1969 case Brandenburg v. Ohio that the First Amendment protects advocacy of illegal conduct unless it incites imminent lawless action. Clarence Brandenburg, a Ku Klux Klan leader, was convicted under Ohio’s Criminal Syndicalism Act for a speech at a rally that included threats against government officials and called for revengeance if suppression continued. SCOTUS ruled that the law was unconstitutional.

Considering much of the justification for restricting the Second Amendment comes down to preventing violence, this distinction is strange.

The Supreme Court’s interpretation of the First Amendment’s protections has expanded over the years. It’s almost impossible for a public person to win a defamation or libel lawsuit, since the Supreme Court ruled in the 1964 case New York Times v. Sullivan that the plaintiff must prove actual malice,” which means knowledge of falsity or reckless disregard.

Commercial speech used to be unprotected. Now, it receives intermediate scrutiny after SCOTUS’ 1980 ruling in Central Hudson Gas & Electric Corp. v. Public Service Commission.

Hate speech, flag burning, violent video games and lies about military honors are all protected now.

If the Supreme Court applied strict scrutiny to firearms regulations, they would fail due to the lack of historical tradition. Requiring a minimum age of 21 to own a firearm would fail, since 18–20-year-olds served in the 1791 militia. Red flag laws would fail, since there are no pre-deprivation hearings. Magazine limits would fail since there is no founding-era analogue. Many felons are nonviolent, so laws prohibiting their possession would fail as too broad.

Judges justify the hypocrisy by pointing to the need to prevent gun deaths. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, approximately 44,400 people died from gun-related injuries in the U.S. last year. However, when compared to a similar country, England (and Wales), which bans firearms, the U.S. has lower overall violent crime rates. This reveals that judges are making decisions based on emotion, not relying on a purely constitutional analysis.

Preemption Laws Make Lawful Carry Easier…That’ Why They’re Under Attack by the Gun Control Industry.

Preemption laws offer legal protection for gun owners, but only when they are enforced. The work to advance any pro-gun legislation is arduous, more so in Minnesota than most states. But passing a law is only half the battle. This is also especially true in Minnesota, where local officials are concocting yet another illegal scheme to defy the state’s firearm preemption statute.

This has sadly become the norm, as defying preemption is a recognized way for municipal politicians to signal to their anti-gun supporters and donors that if the Second Amendment is no impediment to their plans, neither is a state statute. This contempt is now playing out in Minnesota, where mass noncompliance and legal fairytales are the order of the day.

The city of Saint Paul, Minnesota, recently declared that their city council “stands ready to act on day one when the state lifts preemption” to establish the complete ban on possession of semi-automatic firearms, “large capacity” magazines, binary triggers, “ghost guns,” as well as to create even more “gun-free zones.” It admits, however, that none of their new gun control is actually enforceable under the law as it presently stands.

Current Minnesota law, Minn. Stat. § 471.633, states:

The legislature preempts all authority of a home rule charter or statutory city of the first class, county, town, municipal corporation, or other governmental subdivision, or any of their instrumentalities, to regulate firearms, ammunition, or their respective components to the complete exclusion of any order, ordinance or regulation by them except that:

(a)   A governmental subdivision may regulate the discharge of firearms and

(b)   A governmental subdivision may adopt regulations identical to state law

       Local regulation inconsistent with this section is void.

State law speaks clearly on the matter, and no parts of the adopted or proposed ordinances qualify under the exceptions. Meanwhile, passing illegal legislation on the pretext that the law may someday change doesn’t remedy the violation. Try withholding presently owed taxes in the hope of future amendments to a state’s revenue laws to see where that gets you.

Yet even while acknowledging these efforts as unconstitutional in Minnesota due to the existing firearm preemption law, the Saint Paul City Council unanimously passed the ordinance and became the first city among a coalition of 17 cities that have pledged to do the same.

The city of Edina, Minnesota, attempted a similar effort last week which is now reportedly on hold. Edina Mayor James Hovland noted he wants residents to be able to weigh in at a public hearing first before the city council takes a vote while seemingly ignoring Edina City Attorney David Kendall’s legal input that the city cannot put an effective date on a gun ban until state law is changed and that he doesn’t, “think that the council is in a good position to direct police to enforce [such] an ordinance.”

Without any enforcement ability, these actions are transparently performative political theatre. However, a deeper dive at the continued audacity of jurisdictions to ignore the superior authority of the state illustrates the ongoing danger posed to the rule of law. Fundamental to the principle of law is clarity, and while these local politicians may feel empowered, their actions continue to create confusion and fear for residents and law enforcement officers.

Of course, lawsuits that should not have to be filed have and will be to defend gun owner rights. Judicial ping-pong on an already established legal principle will further contribute to havoc as gun control advocates perceive a dual benefit of virtual signaling and depleting the coffers of their adversaries, who are forced to defend settled law against frivolous attacks.  Taxpayer money will also be spent to defend these “contingent ordinances,” with no material benefit to anyone. The best that can be hoped for, from the gun prohibition point of view, is pure symbolism.

Nevertheless, it’s imperative to hold the line on all laws that protect citizens from officials wanting to create a confusing patchwork of gun control, a long-fought battle for the Second Amendment community as a whole. Preemption vindicates the principles that laws should be consistent, understandable, and fairly applied. The alternative is a regime in which compliance — if it is practical at all — inevitably involves forfeiting one’s own rights. A Minnesotan could travel from one end of the state to another, or he could exercise the full measure of the right to keep and bear arms recognized by state. But he could not do both at the same time.

The enactment of a law is often the beginning of the legal battles, not the end. NRA-ILA’s work involves not only making it easier for law-abiding citizens to carry firearms for self- protection but also providing a protective framework to ensure the law works as intended. The infringement on display in Minnesota is merely one example of many. That’s why state preemption laws, and national efforts like H.R. 38, remain among ILA’s highest priorities.

The right of the people to keep and bear arms has been recognized by the General Government; but the best security of that right after all is, the military spirit, that taste for martial exercises, which has always distinguished the free citizens of these States….Such men form the best barrier to the liberties of America
— Gazette of the United States, October 14, 1789.

DOJ Official Says Congress, Not Courts, Should Address NFA Taxes, Registration

Despite ongoing objections from Second Amendment groups and a letter from Rep. Andrew Clyde and more than two dozen other members of Congress urging Attorney General Pam Bondi to recognize congressional intent and stop defending the National Firearms Act’s taxes and registration requirements for National Firearms Act items, the DOJ’s latest brief in an NFA case offers a full-throated defense of those measures.

The  brief, filed in Silencer Shop, et al v. BATFE, not only argues that the Constitution empowers Congress to adopt the challenged NFA requirements and that the $200 tax and registry of who has paid it remain a valid exercise of Congress’s taxing power, but that the tax and registration mandates “comport with the Second Amendment” as well.

… the NFA’s regulation of short-barreled shotguns and rifles, suppressors, and AOWs is “consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.” As the Supreme Court has consistently observed, American legislatures have long “prohibited the carrying of ‘dangerous and unusual weapons.’” Laws dating back to theFounding Era targeted, through outright bans or lesser regulation, particularly dangerous weapons that were uniquely susceptible to criminal misuse. Similarly, many states have long regulated the size of firearms. The NFA fits within that historical tradition by targeting particularly dangerous weapons that “could be used readily and efficiently by criminals,” though its requirements are much more modest than the categorical bans of the past. That alone demonstrates that the NFA comports with the Second Amendment.

Gun Owners of America, among others, has objected to the DOJ’s continued defense of the NFA, which led to a rebuke of the 2A organization from a DOJ official.

McGavick’s argument is an odd one, given that the Supreme Court does have the power to declare laws unconstitutional. And in the case of the NFA’s taxation and registration schemes, it’s clear that the intent of Congress was to repeal those provisions. The $200 tax has been zeroed out as part of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, but though the Senate also removed the accompanying requirement that those who pay the tax have to register that payment with the federal government, the Senate parliamentarian objected to that provision, so the registry remains.
The DOJ could have taken the position that, since the registration is actually a registry of all those who’ve paid the tax, and the tax has no been zeroed out, the registration requirement is moot. It could also, of course, have taken the position that the NFA does violate the Second Amendment, despite what the Court has said in cases like Miller and Heller.

Part of the DOJ’s problem is that it has previously admitted in the Peterson case that challenges the NFA’s restrictions on suppressors that those items are, in fact, protected by the Second Amendment. Still, the DOJ took the position that the $200 tax and registration requirements are only “modest burdens” on the right to keep and bear arms, at least as they apply to those items.

The Supreme Court has never suggested that there are various levels of protection for arms that fall under the Second Amendment’s umbrella, so the DOJ’s position arguably leaves the door open for similar requirements on all arms protected by the Second Amendment. If the DOJ is going to to defend the National Firearms Act, it might have been better for the agency to argue that NFA items aren’t protected at all instead of coming up with a convoluted theory about tiers of protection and what kind of restrictions might be allowed for some arms. That still wouldn’t satisfy groups like GOA, FPC, and NRA, but it also wouldn’t allow gun control groups and anti-gun polticians to adopt the DOJ’s language and apply it to handguns or semi-automatic long guns in the future.

When Rep. Clyde joined me on Bearing Arms Cam & Company to discuss the letter to Bondi, he indicated that if the DOJ didn’t fall in line behind Congress’s intent he might re-open the letter to gather more signatures before submitting its rebuke into the official congressional record. Clyde says he’s also working on an appropriations bill that would remove the registration requirements, which would be fantastic if it comes to pass, but that action in the legislative branch still doesn’t mean that the executive branch’s hands are tied when it comes to the NFA and its infringements on our right to keep and bear arms.

Constitutional Originalism, the Second Amendment, and the English Bill of Rights of 1689

Modern gun control proponents argue as though we live under the English Constitution, instead of the Second Amendment. Looking at the history of both Bill of Rights repudiates arguments that support gun control.

The English Constitution includes a right to keep and bear arms. However, it is written so that attempting to seize arms from the English Colonists in April, 1775 arguably was not violated.

Many of the delegates to our Constitutional Convention were versed in British law, with over two thirds of them having legal training, even if they did not make their livelihood from being lawyers. That would have been training in British law, because U.S. law was in its infancy, and the U.S. Constitution was not written when they were trained. This is an important fact to keep in mind when looking at the founding of the United States and the drafting of the US Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

The U.S. has a Constitution and amendments as a single document. England and the United Kingdom’s Constitution, on the other hand, is not a single document. Instead it is a variety of documents and precedent going back centuries ( the Magna Carta, for example, was written in 1215).  It is not uncommon for the U.K.’s Constitution to contain precedents that contradict each other.

At one point the English threw out the monarchy, though eventually it was restored. When it was restored one of the key documents established that the monarchy had to accept the authority of Parliament and the rights of their subjects. The English Bill of Rights of 1689 (EBR) codified those rights. It was signed by King William III and Queen Mary II as a condition of restoring the monarchy, and it is still considered part of the Constitution of many of the Commonwealth nations.

There are many parallels with the U.S. Bill of Rights, and many of the grievances the colonists had with the Crown were for violating English Bill of Rights. For example it includes freedom of speech, freedom from excessive fines and bail, no taxation without approval of the representatives in Parliament, freedom from cruel and unusual punishments, free elections, a right to keep arms, and other enumerated rights.

However, the right to keep arms is limited in such a way that it has allowed the U.K. to severely limit gun ownership.

The specific clause of the English Bill of Rights of 1689 is:
That the subjects which are Protestants may have arms for their defence suitable to their conditions and as allowed by law;

For reference the text of the Second Amendment is:

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

Let’s look at each section in comparison:

“A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of the free State” – this reminds the government that it was established by the efforts of the armed population, and they continue to be necessary for the security of the nation. Militia at the time meant the able bodied men who could be called on to defend the community, state, and country from bandits, form bucket brigades to fight fires, protect the nation from invaders, etc.  Well regulated at the time essentially meant competent; well trained, well organized, well equipped, and well disciplined. Justifications for their rights are covered earlier in the EBR.

The next sections have more direct correlations.  The EBR says, “That the subjects which are Protestants” where the Second Amendment says, “the right of the people.”

The colonists included many groups that the Church of England considered to not be Protestants. This includes the Pilgrims who were separatists from the Church of England, Roman Catholics who had fled England, and others. As such the colonists who were not specifically Church of England, did not have a right. The Second Amendment uses the people, extending to all of the colonists who were considered citizens.

The EBR says, “may have arms for their defence suitable to their conditions” while the Second Amendment says, “to keep and bear Arms.”

The words “may” and “might” gives room for limitations, and limits it to arms for their defense. It also does not mention anything about being able to bear or carry them. The limits in the EBR allowed Parliament and King George III to justify the seizure of rifles and other arms the British government determined were not suitable.

The Founders didn’t want to provide our government with that same leeway. Further, many of the Founding Fathers had some experience in reading on history. They knew the massive technological shift that had been made in arms in just a few centuries. Some of them were likely aware of such firearms as the Cookson Repeater that was advertised in the Boston Gazette in 1756. Thomas Jefferson had obtained a Girardoni Air Rifle at some point, and later loaned it to the Lewis & Clark Expedition.

The point is, the Framers did not limit the language of the Second Amendment to firearms used or suited only for defense. We see echoes of this section and this argument in court filings supporting gun control currently when gun control proponents argue in support of “assault weapon” bans. Their argument can be summed up as the Second Amendment only protects arms the government deems suitable for self defense.

The Second Amendment does not only protect having or possessing arms, it includes the right to keep or bear them. It is not prefaced by “may”, which leads to the next section.

The next section illustrates the Founding Fathers really meant it when they wrote, “shall not be infringed.” The EBR says, “as allowed by law.” This leaves potential limits on the right to possess arms if Parliament passes a law. As we have seen in the 336 years since the EBR was signed, the U.K. and Commonwealth countries have severely limited the right by disallowing various arms by law, and adding other requirements. Those infringements include everything from gun registrations, strict licensing laws, storage mandates, and even outright confiscations.

The Founding Fathers had just lived through, and in many cases, directly participated, in a successful revolution where private arms played a significant part, and was essentially sparked by an attempt to seize arms from civilians who had organized themselves for their common defense.  Therefore it says, “shall not be infringed” as a direct counter to attempts to limit the right or seize arms from citizens.

Gun controllers, including the various gun control groups, and the anti-gun attorneys general in deep-blue states like my own native California, often argue like we still live under the English Bill of Rights of 1689. While it is part of the common law that U.S. law is based on, the experience of the American Revolution and the text of the Second Amendment repudiate their arguments.

The Heller decision states the interest balancing that gun controllers are trying to use in support of gun control laws was already done by the Second Amendment. In my opinion, it was done by refuting the language of the English Bill of Rights that placed government interests over the right of some of the U.K’s citizens to keep and bear arms.

Source documents:

Yale Law School’s Avalon Project publishes the text of the English Bill of Rights of 1689 as part of their Constitutional documents project – https://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/england.asp

University of Houston provides a summary of the Constitution Delegates – https://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/active_learning/explorations/constitution/constitution_overview_delegates.cfm

Heller decision comments about Interest Balancing – Heller, 554 U. S., at 635. Pp. 15–17. – https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep554/usrep554570/usrep554570.pdf