BLUF
It’s always problematic conducting polls about individual rights or personal freedoms. As a few of my colleagues pointed out, our gun rights are not subject to popular opinions, and popular rights do not need constitutional protections.

“The bottom line is this,” one said. “Had the residents of 1963 Alabama been polled regarding integration of Birmingham schools, the results would have shown overwhelming opposition. That’s why rights are independent of public opinion.”

Fake News: Debunking the media’s favorite constitutional-carry poll
Poll claims majority of Floridians oppose unlicensed concealed carry.

By Lee Williams

A few weeks before the Florida legislature began debating an unlicensed concealed-carry bill, which Gov. Ron DeSantis signed into law earlier this week, the legacy media started pimping a new public opinion poll that made some incredibly bold claims on the topic.

The poll, which was conducted by the University of North Florida’s Public Opinion Research Lab, or PORL, alleged that a vast majority of Floridians rejected the very idea of unlicensed concealed carry. Only 22% of Floridians supported the legislation and 77% opposed the bill, PORL claimed.

“Not only is there bipartisan opposition to this ‘constitutional carry’ bill, but folks seem to feel passionately about it with the majority (67%) saying they strongly oppose the bill. Even among Republicans, most people are against carrying weapons without a permit,” Dr. Michael Binder, PORL faculty director and professor of political science, said in a March 9 press release announcing the poll.

As you can imagine, a feeding frenzy ensued. Armed with Binder’s poll numbers, the legacy media went absolutely nuts.

“As Floridians apparently know better than their elected officials, public health research overwhelmingly shows that relaxing firearm regulations contributes to increases in violent crime as well as firearm-related death and injury,” Caroline Light, who teached gender and ethnic studies at Harvard University, wrote in a column titled “Expect more violent crime if Florida passes permitless gun carry,” which was published by the Tampa Bay Times.

“Permitless carry bill closer to law despite new poll showing that it’s vastly unpopular in Florida,” wrote the Florida Phoenix.

The media onslaught didn’t stop even after Gov. DeSantis signed the bill into law.

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This is about using illicit drugs vis-a-vis possessing guns.

Study makes bizarre leap about guns and lethality of shootings

There’s always going to be some anti-gun study floating around. We’ve seen that time and time again, and the media will always be happy to report on that study with nary a word of criticism about, well, anything.

In fact, it’s almost amusing how little criticism these studies get.

The latest, in fact, doesn’t actually make a whole lot of sense. Why? Because it implies that guns have somehow become more lethal.

A new study has found that fatalities from gun violence in the U.S. have increased over time, with more victims dying at the scene of a shooting before they can be transferred to medical treatment facilities.

The research, which was published Wednesday in the Journal of the American Medical Association, examined gun violence incidents from 1999 to 2021, including firearm deaths due to assaults, unintentional injuries and unknown intent.

Using data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, researchers discovered the proportion of deaths at the scene increased from about 52% in 1999, to almost 57% in 2021.

Nearly 49,000 people died from gun violence in the U.S. in 2021, according to the CDC.

The research letter summarizing the study said this increase in fatalities was likely due to several factors, including higher guns sales, social isolation during the COVID-19 pandemic, and a “lack of new federal firearm legislation.”

Now, the good news is that this study didn’t count suicides. That’s actually surprising because it’s a handy way to skew findings in an anti-gun direction. So it seems the numbers are pretty accurate.

Where I have a problem, though, is their findings. Higher gun sales and lack of regulation don’t make guns more lethal. In fact, during the time period the study looked at, there weren’t really any advancements in firearm technology that would account for any such thing.

We also know that so-called assault weapons started becoming popular prior to this time period as a result of the 1994 Assault Weapon Ban, so it’s unlikely that would play a role. The researchers do try to blame larger capacity magazines, which might play a role–if you can put more rounds on target, the chances of killing someone are increased–but I don’t see how they figure they made that case.

In fact, they seem to suggest they didn’t even really look at that sort of thing when they note, “Further investigation of the temporal and geospatial distributions of prehospital deaths, weapons used, patterns of injury, and variations by race and ethnicity and age is needed to guide effective interventions.”

So they reached a conclusion as to why this was a problem when they don’t know any of that other stuff?

I don’t know, seems a little sketchy, which is why I say this study kind of doesn’t make any sense.

Yet again, though, they seem to just know the problem is the lack of federal gun control laws while not comprehending literally anything else? Yeah, no wonder people are growing to distrust research more and more.

It’s only too bad no one in the media will look at these studies twice.

Arkansas House OKs bill allowing permitless concealed carry

LITTLE ROCK, Ark. (AP) — A permit would not be required to carry a concealed handgun in Arkansas under a bill lawmakers sent Thursday to Republican Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders, which supporters say is meant to clear up a decade-old disagreement about the state’s gun laws.

Gov. Sanders’ office said she plans to sign the measure approved by the majority-Republican House on a 81-11 vote.

“The governor strongly supports the Second Amendment,” spokeswoman Alexa Henning said in a statement. “This bill further clarifies that Arkansas is a constitutional carry state.”

Both gun rights and gun control advocates already widely considered Arkansas to be one of more than two dozen states that don’t require a concealed carry permit. That followed a 2013 change to the state’s gun laws that prompted differing interpretations on how it’s affected the state’s concealed carry requirements.

The bill was approved Thursday with no debate in the House, but opponents have questioned the impact the legislation would have on a 2017 law that allows concealed handguns in certain locations, including the state Capitol. That law allows guns in previously-barred locations if someone undergoes additional training and gets an “enhanced” permit.

“This is going to cause huge amounts of confusion with respect to the enhanced concealed carry,” Democratic Rep. Nicole Clowney told members of the House Judiciary Committee earlier this week, referring to the 2017 law.

But supporters of the bill said it wouldn’t have any impact on that part of the law and the enhanced carry requirements would still exist.

“I believe we need this bill to pass to provide that clarification out there so we don’t have citizens basically being harassed because there’s a misunderstanding of what you can or cannot do,” Republican Rep. Marcus Richmond, the bill’s co-sponsor, told the House before Thursday’s vote.

There are more than 190,000 active concealed handgun licenses in Arkansas, and about 30,000 of them are enhanced licenses, according to the state’s Department of Public Safety.

The bill heads to Sanders’ desk as Republicans in other states have been loosening gun laws, despite mass shootings in recent years, including the fatal shooting of three children and three adults at a Nashville, Tennessee, Christian school last month.

Florida Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis this week signed a new law that will allow concealed handguns to be carried without a permit. That law takes effect in July.

When Sanders signs Arkansas’ legislation, it won’t take effect until 90 days after the Legislature adjourns its session, meaning the measure wouldn’t be enforced until this summer.

There is an axiom from General Patton I already knew:
“A good plan, violently executed now, is better than a perfect plan next week.”
and a phrase I learned later, the official version of which is:
Surprise, Speed, Violence of Action, that go hand in hand.
And unto that, you can’t be cowardly

Nashville police talk response, illustrates key point

It wasn’t that long ago when a lot of headlines claimed that Uvalde police failed to enter Robb Elementary School due to fears over the shooter’s AR-15. This was, of course, taken as evidence that we should ban so-called assault weapons.

In Nashville, though, something different happened. While the killer also had an AR-15, the police responded very differently.

The heroic police officers who stopped a gunman at a Nashville Christian school March 28 have spoken out about their response, telling reporters they entered the school “without hesitation.”

Six people were killed when the shooter, Audrey Hale, entered The Covenant Christian school in Nashville and opened fire with two “assault-type” rifles and a handgun. Within minutes, Nashville Police entered the school and subdued the shooter, saving the lives of countless potential victims.

“We’ve trained for incidents like this for years, with the thought that if it ever happened we would not hesitate,” Nashville Metro Chief of Police John Drake told reporters. “We would go in and we would do whatever was needed for the safety of those involved.”…

When Englebert heard gunshots, he told reporters he “couldn’t get to it fast enough” as he searched for a staircase, understanding that the shots were coming from the second floor. Englebert revealed that when he “found himself at the front of the stack” he realized he wasn’t wearing rifle-grade body armor for protection.

Now, let’s compare the shootings in Uvalde to Nashville for a second. Uvalde resulted in 21 innocent lives taken while Nashville resulted in six.

That’s six too many, we can all agree, but what a difference an appropriate police response can make, isn’t it? And Englebert had ample reason to delay, not wearing sufficient armor, and he didn’t. He went in and put the threat down.

While many still want to fixate on the kinds of firearms used or the laws surrounding them, time and time again we see that the secret to minimizing the impact of these shootings isn’t a new law restricting people’s freedom, it’s having a quick and aggressive response.

Police were on the scene and engaged the shooter within minutes in Nashville. In Uvalde, it was 1 hour and 14 minutes. How many lives would have been saved if the cops in Uvalde had responded similarly to those in Nashville?

Yet let’s also look at a couple of other shootings that had a quick and aggressive response.

First, let’s look at White Settlement, TX.

In that instance, a killer decided to try and shoot up a church service–churches being a favorite target of these knobs for some reason–and it didn’t work out for him. A volunteer working security at the church put a round in his head within mere seconds. The death toll not counting the human-shaped filth? Two.

Then we have Greenwood Park Mall. In that case, the goblin decided to shoot up a shopping center, another popular target. The problem with that plan was that an armed citizen put the killer down quick, fast, and in a hurry. The death toll, again not counting the shooter? Three.

It seems like a quick response from the police is good, but having an armed individual there on the scene is better.

The police in Nashville should be commended for how well they did their jobs. I take nothing away from them. They did it and did it quickly.

Yet when someone is there on the scene, the death toll is greatly reduced. It’s a blip on the radar, then quickly buried by whatever celebrity news the media thinks is more important.

The issue isn’t access to guns–the Nashville shooter had a handgun and could have killed just as many people with it, for example–but having armed people in these places ready and willing to respond.

LETTER: On the U.S. Constitution

Last week, I wrote a letter outlining Sir William Blackstone’s influence on America’s Founders with regard to the Declaration of Independence. Here I will present his impact on the Constitution of the United States.

A. No taxation without representation

The Declaration was a document listing grievances against a government which the signers believed had failed to operate in accordance with the laws of nature. Chief among the grievances listed in the Declaration was the fact King George violated the “laws of nature and of nature’s God” by “imposing taxes on us without our consent.” Colonies were taxed but denied representation in Parliament. In contrast, the Constitution documents how the Founding Fathers believed that an ideal government, in submission to the law of nature, should operate. Accordingly, the Constitution sought to remedy the taxation problem by requiring in Article I, Section 7, that bills for revenue originate in the House of Representatives, the body of government closest to the American people.

B. The unalienable right to property

An understanding of Blackstone’s beliefs on property rights is impossible apart from an understanding of his beliefs on happiness, for he believed that the latter depended on the former. Blackstone turned to the revealed law of God for “the only true and solid foundation of man’s dominion over external things.” He referred to Genesis chapter one wherein the Creator gave man “dominion over all the earth.” Blackstone stated a right to property “tends to man’s real happiness, and therefore justly concluding that . . . it is a part of the law of nature.” Likewise, according to Blackstone, the converse is true—denial of property rights is “destructive of man’s real happiness, and therefore the law of nature forbids it.” When the Framers engrafted the right to property into the Constitution—with all of its complexities and exceptions—the theories of Blackstone were, without a doubt, of paramount influence.

C. The unalienable right of self-defense

Blackstone’s view of the right to bear arms is stated in the following quote: “The fifth and last auxiliary right of the subject, that I shall at present mention, is that of having arms for their defense . . . is indeed, a public allowance under due restrictions, of the natural right of resistance and self-preservation.”

The Second Amendment of the United States Constitution provides that a “well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.” The American belief in the right to bear arms has its roots in “civil jurists of the period who had specifically dealt with the question of self-defense as a natural right.” To them, a failure to defend oneself against unlawful aggression amounted to suicide by inaction.

As one can see, our nation’s Biblical foundations run deep. This is just a fraction of the evidence that is available to those willing to seek truth and knowledge. But due to apathy, the distractions of life, or willful rejection, America is allowing its heritage and history to perish, and in the process, her people perish.

Tom Reilly

Joseph Plains

Gun owners suing the NYPD say the agency is making it ‘impossible’ to qualify for a handgun

A group of gun owners in New York and New Jersey is suing the NYPD division that reviews applications for firearm permits and licenses, arguing that the NYPD’s application requirements are “impossible to meet.”

The class-action lawsuit, filed in federal court last month, argues that a lengthy backlog in the licensing division “paralyzes” people who want to legally exercise their Second Amendment rights. The gun owners want the courts to appoint a federal monitor to oversee the gun licensing team.

“They [license division staff] have shown time and again that they will infringe on the rights of gun owners and this court has a duty to stop this infringement,” the suit states.

The NYPD declined to comment on pending litigation.

The plaintiffs include a former prosecutor, a National Rifle Association-certified firearms instructor, a gun store employee and a truck driver. All of them have successfully obtained gun licenses in other states but have struggled to complete the process in New York City.

After the U.S. Supreme Court overturned New York’s strict concealed carry laws last year, ruling that the Second Amendment is not a “second-class” right, many gun owners celebrated what they hoped would be a loosening of the state requirements to own and carry a gun. Instead, the state legislature quickly passed a package of laws that created even more requirements for legal gun ownership, prompting a flood of lawsuits.

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AAR/AAN 2A Newsletter for April 5

Happy Wednesday,

The country changed Monday. Now, a majority of states no longer require their citizens to obtain a permission slip from the government before carrying a defensive firearm.

Florida became the 26th state — the majority state — when Gov. Ron DeSantis signed an unlicensed concealed-carry bill. Two more states are close behind Florida. Simply put, we are winning. This is the biggest restoration of our Second Amendment rights for decades, and massive pro-gun news.

Armed American Radio and Armed American News are here to bring you the latest updates from a gun rights perspective that the mainstream media will never touch.

Please share this weekly newsletter with as many folks as you can reach. We’re all in this together, and as gun-hating, freedom-hating, Marxist Joe Biden is demonstrating every single day, this fight is far from over.

Only state left that only allowed residents to carry without a permit.
Blame the usual dense minded politicians who didn’t want to specifically bar non-residents, but wrote the law such that it did. Hopefully their goobernor will sign it.

I think Crenshaw is trying to regain some of the respect he lost when he was off advocating Red Flag laws.

Cue Captain Renault

Fact check: Democrats distort the record on guns after Nashville shooting

One week after a shooter opened fire in a Nashville, Tennessee, Christian school and killed six people, including three children, Democrats have continued to press for an assault-style weapons ban they have sought for years.

Democrats accused their Republican counterparts of blocking legislation that would protect children at school from mass shootings, while GOP lawmakers insisted that further limits on gun ownership would not have stopped the Nashville attack or others like it.

And while Democrats still don’t have the votes yet to advance an assault-style weapons ban, they have relied on occasionally misleading rhetoric to push for one anyway.

Here is a fact check of some of the latest Democratic gun arguments.

“[We’ve had] more school shootings than days in the year so far in 2023.” — Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT), CBS’s Face the Nation, April 2

This is a misleading claim from Murphy.

The Connecticut Democrat has long served as a voice for gun control advocacy due to the painful history of his home state, where a school shooter claimed the lives of more than two dozen people, most of them children under 7 years old, in 2012. Murphy was the congressman representing the district of the school at the time.

He appeared to cite statistics from the K-12 School Shooting Database, a data resource compiled by the Violence Project.

That database claims 95 shooting incidents have taken place at schools so far in the 93 days of this year.

But the claim is misleading because of just how broadly the group defines a shooting incident. The total includes any incident “when a gun is fired, brandished (pointed at a person with intent), or bullet hits school property, regardless of the number of victims, time, day, or reason,” according to the Violence Project.

That means, for example, that a gang-related shooting near a school during which a bullet strikes a sidewalk on a weekend, with no students present, would still count toward the total number of school shootings for the year.

Most people would provide a very different definition of a school shooting, and the type of shooting that occurred in Nashville is much rarer. According to the same dataset, only 105 school shooting incidents since the 1970s have involved “indiscriminate shooting.”

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Uh Oh…New York Supreme Court Rules the State’s Red Flag Confiscation Law is Unconstitutional

Gosh, this hasn’t been a good week for America’s gun control industry. First Governor Ron DeSantis signed permitless concealed carry into law, tipping the balance in favor of states that don’t require a government-issued permission slip to keep and bear arms. That was traumatizing enough for the forces of civilian disarmament.

Today, however, another blow has landed. New York’s Supreme Court — which for some damned reason is the second highest court in the Empire State — has ruled that the state’s due process-free red flag firearm confiscation law is unconstitutional. Go figure.

The ruling, written by Judge Craig Stephen Brown, makes it clear how an individual’s civil rights are violated under the current law . . .

Without the requirement of any input from a medical or mental health expert, the Court is required to make a determination of whether “the respondent is likely to engage in behavior that would result in serious harm to himself, herself, or others in…section 9.39 of the mental hygiene law.” Under Mental Hygiene Law, a person’s liberty rights cannot be curtailed unless a physician opines that a person is suffering from a condition “likely to result in serious harm.” Further, in order to extend any such curtailment of liberty beyond 48 hours, a second doctor’s opinion must be obtained and such opinion must be consistent with the first doctor’s opinion.

Absent from New York’s Red Flag Law is any provision whatsoever requiring even a single medical or mental health expert opinion providing a basis for the order to be issued. New York’s Red Flag Law, as currently written, lacks sufficient statutory guardrails to protect a citizen’s Second Amendment Constitutional right to bear arms.

In other words, the New York legislature, in its unyielding zeal to disarm as many citizens as possible, didn’t give the slightest thought to the protection of a targeted individual’s civil rights when they wrote their red flag gun confiscation law. The only thing they cared about was grabbing the guns.

As a result, using a quote from McDonald v. Chicago, Judge Brown concluded . . .

As a result, using a quote from McDonald v. Chicago, Judge Brown concluded . . .

“Second Amendment rights are no less fundamental than…Fourth Amendment rights (the right to liberty), and must be afforded the same level of due process and equal protection.” Accordingly, this Court joins the Monroe County Supreme Court in holding that, “under CPLR 63-a, in order to pass constitutional muster, the legislature must provide that a citizen be afforded procedural guarantees such as a physician’s determination that a respondent presents a condition ‘likely to result in serious harm,’ before a petitioner files for a [temporary extreme risk protection order] or [extreme risk protection order].

Since this standard is required to prevent a respondent from being deprived of fundamental rights under the Mental Hygiene Law, then anything less (as contained in 63-a) deprives a citizen of a fundamental right without due process of law.” This Court declares [New York’s Extreme Risk Protection Law] to be unconstitutional. 

You can read the full ruling here.

The New York Supreme Court, then, has concluded exactly what we and every other gun rights supporter have been arguing since the first red flag confiscation order was passed in California. They deprive gun owners of their basic, constitutionally protected civil right to due process, frequently issuing ex parte confiscation orders for which the gun owner wasn’t even present to defend himself.

Again, today’s ruling was issued by New York’s Supreme Court. The highest court in New York is the Court of Appeals. New York Attorney General Letitia James’ minions are no doubt already hard at work drafting their filing for an appeal, so this battle is far from over. Still, it’s a positive step and one that will upset the state’s rabid gun-grabber community, lead by none other than Governor Kathy Hochul, to no end…and who could quibble with that?

The Footnote to End All Gun Control

The United States of America is founded on the presumption of innocence. After the Supreme Court’s landmark New York State Pistol Rifle Association v. Bruen Supreme Court decision, there is now a presumption that gun laws are unconstitutional unless the government can prove there was a similar law at the time of the ratification of the Second Amendment.

According to the Bruen decision, the interest balancing test does not apply to Second Amendment cases. The courts can only rely on the original text, history, and tradition of the Second Amendment.

This decision put most anti-gun politicians and advocates in a precarious position. Almost no gun control existed at the time of the Second Amendment’s ratification.  With the combination of little to no supporting historical evidence and without leniency from the previous interest balancing test, gun control advocates will have a much harder time of successfully passing legislation that will defeat SCOTUS’s new test. The anti-gun side had to find something in history that would save gun control laws.

Anti-gun state and gun control advocates usually point to the Sir John Knight’s Case that challenged the Statute of Northampton. According to the anti-gun side, the law forbids carrying a firearm in public. Still, most legal scholars agree that it banned the carrying of a gun in public only if the intent is to terrify the people. Without many other examples of gun control laws, the anti-gun side must base their arguments on this case.

Unfortunately for the gun control side, the Supreme Court addressed the Sir John Knight’s Case and others like it.

According to Footnote 11 of the Bruen decision, whenever multiple interpretations can be taken from a case, the Supreme Court will favor the interpretation that favors the Second Amendment. This demand puts the burden on the state to prove their analog is consistent with the original text, history, and tradition of the Second Amendment.

Footnote 11 reads:
“The dissent discounts Sir John Knight’s Case, 3 Mod. 117, 87 Eng. Rep. 75, because it only “arguably” supports the view that an evil-intent requirement attached to the Statute of Northampton by the late 1600s and early 1700s. See post, at 37.

But again, because the Second Amendment’s bare text covers petitioners’ public carry, the respondents here shoulder the burden of demonstrating that New York’s proper-cause requirement is consistent with the Second Amendment’s text and historical scope. See supra, at 15.

To the extent there are multiple plausible interpretations of Sir John Knight’s Case, we will favor the one that is more consistent with the Second Amendment’s command.”

Because SCOTUS referenced the case in a footnote doesn’t mean the state will not try to use Sir John Knight’s Case. We have seen states argue that they can use laws from the ratification date of the Fourteenth Amendment to defend their anti-gun statutes. The Fourteenth Amendment was ratified shortly after the Civil War ended when states passed laws to prevent formerly enslaved people from getting firearms. Some courts might even accept these arguments, but it is delaying the inevitable.

SCOTUS laid down a straightforward test for gun laws. If a law is inconsistent with the plain text, history, and tradition of the Second Amendment, it must be thrown out. This new test puts the burden on the states to prove that their law is compatible with the Second Amendment.

Under Bruen’s “Text/History/Tradition” standard, I’m not the only one who thinks this is will be ripe for being ruled unconstitutional

Encounter with Yuma Police Officer and the Hughes Amendment

Normally, I make appearances on the Russ Clark Show, a local radio show with a national audience, once a week in the studio. One morning, after finishing the drive-time radio show, I walked out to my vehicle, ready to take on the rest of the day. As I approached my vehicle, I saw a Yuma City Police vehicle approaching in the parking lot of the radio station.

I opened my vehicle door and reached inside for a camera, as I thought pictures of such a police car might be useful for future articles. As I was half inside the vehicle, I noticed the police car pull up in front of me with the window rolled down. The officer said, “Are you Mr. Weingarten?” I said I was.

The Hughes Amendment was passed under dubious circumstances as part of the passage of the Firearms Owners Protection Act in 1986.  Second Amendment supporters, particularly in the NRA, had been working for years to reform the more odious overreach of the 1968 Gun Control Act. The leadership in the Congress, controlled by Democrats, was opposed, even though a majority of the Congress was willing to vote in the reforms.

The NRA was able to invoke a seldom used rule, a discharge petition. If a majority of House members would sign a petition to bring the reform bill to a vote, the leadership could be overruled.

Police who know of the Hughes Amendment are deep into the gun culture.

The Hughes Amendment has been interpreted to forbid sales of full-auto firearms to ordinary citizens if the firearms did not have a tax stamp prior to 1986, with some relatively minor and expensive exceptions (such as a license to manufacture).

I told the officer I was aware of the Hughes Amendment. I had listened to the original, crucial, and seeming underhanded vote in the House, and I would probably discuss it on the radio at some time.  It appears the vote was done legally if done with a dubious voice vote. Here is a video of the debate and the Amendment:

The officer assured me many officers were strong proponents of the Second Amendment and hated seeing infringements such as the Hughes Amendment.

Several police officers have communicated similar comments. They are a minority of officers, but they are not irrelevant. Some officers have complained of being used as political props during debates about Second Amendment issues, for example, being ordered to attend City Council meetings as a show of support when restrictive gun measures are being debated.

They are usually required, by their jobs, not to voice political opinions while on duty. Their politically appointed bosses, as police chiefs, are not so restricted. Police chief voices nearly universally reflect the political preferences of the politicians who hired or appointed them.

This is why it is much more common to see Sheriffs support the Second Amendment than police chiefs. Sheriffs are elected directly by the people. They are more accountable.

DeSantis signs permitless carry bill, law takes effect July 1st

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis wasted little time signing HB 543 into law after the state legislature gave final approval to the permitless carry legislation last Thursday. On Monday morning DeSantis held a signing ceremony for the bill, putting pen to paper with a small group of Second Amendment supporters in attendance. With DeSantis’s approval, Florida is now the 26th state to adopt a permitless carry measure, and at least one more state is likely to follow suit in the coming weeks.

As of July 1st, Floridians who are eligible to receive a concealed carry license will be able to lawfully carry without acquiring a government-issued permission slip; a big step forward for Second Amendment activists, but not the end of the push to make Florida a true constitutional carry state.

Second Amendment advocates have criticized the bill for not going far enough, saying that without allowing people to openly carry guns in public, the bill isn’t a true “constitutional carry” measure as DeSantis guaranteed and as the Legislature has hailed.

… We think it’s a step in the right direction,” said Luis Valdes, the Florida director of Gun Owners of America. “Permitless concealed carry is a good thing. But it’s not the constitutional carry that we were promised.”

DeSantis has said he supports open carry, but legislative leaders remained firm on continuing Florida’s prohibition against open carry in nearly all circumstances.

House Speaker Paul Rennerpreviously said that he supports open carry but that there was concern among his caucus and in the Senate about it. Senate President Kathleen Passidomo has been more firm in opposition — saying that Florida sheriffs have told her they oppose open carry, and she trusts their judgment.

DeSantis has even suggested he’d be willing to call lawmakers back to Tallahassee for a special session that would include open carry legislation, but only if the legislature itself signals its support. Passidomo’s objections in particular appear to be a major hurdle for gun owners, given her role as the state Senate president and the influence she has within the GOP caucus.

Does she have more influence than DeSantis himself, however? I doubt that, and I’m curious what would happen if the governor decided to twist some arms or make it clear to lawmakers that he considers open carry a top priority for his administration.

Even without an open carry provision the permitless carry law as written represents a major improvement in Florida’s gun laws, as well as a tipping point for the constitutional carry movement overall. More than half the country now recognizes the right to bear arms without having to obtain a license beforehand, and Nebraska could soon become the 27th state to do so, with a constitutional carry bill now set for a third and final vote in the unicameral legislature. So far that vote hasn’t been scheduled, but lawmakers still have almost two months to go before the end of this year’s session, which should be plenty of time for the bill to be heard even with the Democratic minority trying to slow the legislative process to a crawl with filibusters on almost every bill brought to the floor of the Senate.

South Carolina and Louisiana lawmakers are also considering constitutional carry bills, though the South Carolina measure has been stuck in the Senate Judiciary Committee since late February and Louisiana legislators will have to find enough votes to override a veto by Gov. John Bel Edwards if there’s any chance of making the state the 28th to recognize the right to bear arms without a government-issued license.

Today, however, it’s Florida in the spotlight, and gun owners in the Sunshine State should be rightfully proud of the expansion to the state’s carry laws. I know the bill wasn’t perfect, and the fight for open carry in the state is going to be much more difficult than it needs to be given that 47 other states already allow for open carry in some form or fashion, but HB 543 is still a major improvement to the status quo… and the Second Amendment rights of Floridians.

The 2nd Amendment’s Misconstrued ‘Militia’
What so many people get so wrong

America’s latest episode of mass homicide has sparked renewed advocacy for restrictions on gun ownership. Once again, the accompanying debate has many gun control advocates claiming the Second Amendment’s reference to a “well regulated militia” narrows the amendment’s scope if not rendering it altogether moot.

Before we examine those claims, it’s important to ensure readers have a proper general understanding of the Bill of Rights. Contrary to common misperception, these amendments do not bestow privileges upon American citizens. Rather, they are primarily a set of prohibitions against the government infringing on pre-existing human rights all people have.

That’s evident in the language. For example, the First Amendment begins “Congress shall make no law…” This amendment isn’t awarding citizens the rights of religion, speech and assembly — it’s outlawing the government’s thwarting of those innate and universal human rights.

Similarly, the Fourth Amendment asserts that “the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.” Again, the authors are not granting those rights, they are protecting them.

When the Bill of Rights was proposed, some feared the enumeration of a handful of rights could be misinterpreted as providing a comprehensive catalogue — and thus empowering the government to infringe on human rights not specified. That’s why they included the Ninth Amendment, asserting that “the enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”

“Amendment II. A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”

With that understanding of the Bill of Rights in mind, we see that, via the Second Amendment, the founders explicitly asserted that there is a “right of the people to keep and bear arms.”

What about that reference to “a well regulated militia”? As we set out to scrutinize the phrase, let’s first observe that the Second Amendment contains two distinct components serving two different purposes:

  • An operative clause that sets out a specific prohibition against the government’s infringement on a right: …the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
  • prefatory clause that announces a purpose: A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State…

Positioned in the prefatory clause, the “well regulated Militia” reference merely serves to provide a rationale — and not necessarily the only rationale — for the operative clause that follows.

While the Second Amendment stands apart from the others in the Bill of Rights by having a prefatory clause, such clauses were common in state constitutions of the era.

Prefatory clauses were used to help “sell” amendments to those being asked to approve them. In this case, the authors were pointing to the necessity of an armed populace as the well from which militias are drawn — militias seen as a vital safeguard against the federal government they were creating.

In particular, America’s founders were wary of the federal government’s potential to create a standing army that could be used to destroy state sovereignty and individual liberties. Seeking to “sell” the amendment to drafting committees and state ratifying conventions, it made sense for the authors to highlight the link between militias and the people’s right to bear arms.

Given their purpose — that is, to cite one or more of many possible rationales — prefatory clauses don’t rightly constrain operative clauses, particularly one as explicit as the Second Amendment’s, which pointedly recognizes a “right of the people to keep and bear arms.”

Even if the prefatory clause did have any teeth, those seeking to interpret it as tightly restricting the gun-eligible population run into yet another wall, in that militias are assembled from the citizenry at large.

Indeed, an earlier draft of the Second Amendment drove home this point. It began, “A well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people…”

Listen to Pennsylvanian Tench Coxe, as he championed the Constitution’s ratification: “The powers of the sword are in the hands of the yeomanry of America from sixteen to sixty.” Summarizing the Second Amendment, Coxe said, “The people are confirmed by the article in their right to keep and bear their private arms.”

Multiple state constitutional provisions of the era, some of which predate the Bill of Rights, offer additional confirmation that the armed right of self-defense belongs to individuals. As one representative example, consider the language of Vermont’s 1777 Constitution: “The right of the citizens to bear arms in defense of themselves and the State shall not be questioned.”

Further disregarding the Second Amendment’s explicit enumeration of “the right of the people to bear arms,” some claim the existence of the National Guard renders the Second Amendment entirely moot, since, via the Guard, each state has a “militia” with its own arsenal of arms.

Recall, however, that the founders viewed militias as a check on the federal government’s power, with fear that the federal government might create a standing army with the potential to tyrannize the states and the people.

Thanks to the National Defense Act of 1916 and amendments in 1933, today’s National Guard is legally a part of the United States Army, with state governments exercising only limited government control. Enlistment oaths have evolved to reflect that, with National Guard soldiers promising to obey the orders of both the president of the United States and the governor.

The Guard’s military training and the selection of its officers are controlled by the federal government. Troops are subject to activation pursuant to any number of federal missions, including — as we’ve seen too often — overseas combat deployments that render them useless to the states where their citizen-soldiers live.

Clearly, under such federal control, the National Guard cannot be seen as a counterbalance against federal power, and thus does not fulfill the Second Amendment’s aspiration to enable “well-regulated militias…necessary to the security of a free state.”

Finally, no tour of the Second Amendment’s language would be complete without addressing “well regulated” as it’s applied to “militia.” Today, people often and understandably assume that descriptor refers to regulation in the modern sense of external government control. However, in the late 1700s, “well regulated” simply meant orderly, trained and disciplined — qualities that militias should aspire to.

To summarize:

  • The Second Amendment explicitly recognizes the existence of “a right of the people” — not just those currently in militias — “to keep and bear arms.”
  • Placed in a prefatory clause, the “militia” reference merely announces one rationale for the Second Amendment. Regardless of how “militia” is interpreted, its presence does not constrain the operative-clause prohibition of government infringement against the right of the people to keep and bears arms.
  • Today’s National Guard is part of the U.S. Army and under heavy federal control. It cannot be used by the peoples of the separate states as a counterbalance to the federal government’s standing army — and thus is not a “militia” in the sense the term is used in the Second Amendment.